
Ronk.y/jS^ 



Gopghtl>I^. 



COPyRIGHT DEPOSIT. 



YALE STUDIES IN ENGLISH 



ALBERT S. COOK, Editor 



II 



^LFRIC 



A NEW STUDY OF HIS LIFE 
AND WRITINGS 



CAROLINE LOUISA WHITE, Ph. D. 




LAMSON, WOLFFE AND COMPANY 

Boston, New York, and London 

1898 






' We have a deep concern in preserving from destruction 
the thoughts of the past, the leading conceptions of all re- 
markable forms of civilization; the achievements of genius, of 
virtue, and of high faith/ 'Though these things may be 
individually forgotten, collectively they survive, and are in 
action still/ James Martineau. 



Copyright, 1898, 
By CAROLINE L. WHITE. 

All rights reserved. 




riA/.'\ PfADi cc ocrtriiyrr* 



PREFACE. 

The repeated efforts of scholars for the past three hundred 
years to discover the identity of ^Ifric, show the significant 
place that his writings hold; no history of Engiisli culture 
would be complete that left out of account the century that 
preceded the Norman Conquest, and in that century ^Ifric's 
writings are more iinportant than those of any other man. 
Transliterated copies of his homilies made in the Middle 
English period show that their practical use had not ceased 
at a time when men could no longer read the language in 
which tliey were first written. 

These Avritings are valuable, first, in reference to the bistoury 
of English literature and English culture; secondly, in refer- 
ence to the histor}^ and development of the English language; 
thirdly, as theological writings which throw light upon the 
beliefs of the church in the Old English period. 

It was this third value of ^Ifric's works that, in the six- 
teenth century, gave the first impulse to the modern study of 
Old English. 

The attempts made by such scholars as Wharton and Mores 
to identify ^Ifric, succeeded in bringing together a body of 
facts which finally proved useful in deciding the question. 
The modern author who has done most to illuminate this 
subject is Edward Dietrich, late professor at the University 
of Marburg, who in 1855 and 1856 published the results of 
his investigations in Niedner's Zeitschrift fur Ilistoru^che 
Tlieologie. His papers considered, first, ^Ifric's writings; 
secondly, the teachings of the Old English Church according 
to yElfric's writings; thirdly, iElfric's education and charac- 
ter; fourthly, ^Ifric's life. 

Of these studies, Dietrich writes thus: 'The great igno- 
rance as to ^Ifric's life and personality which has pre- 



4 Preface. 

vailed in church histories up to the present time has led to 
the following investigations. They were preceded by several 
years' study of ^Ifric's writings, and of the earlier and later 
Old English literature, and a long stay in England gave op- 
portunity to study at the British Museum and at Oxford his 
yet unpublished works.' 

The chief results of Dietrich's investigations have been 
accepted as authoritative by German students of Old English, 
and are fundamental in all subsequent German ^Ifrician 
studies. But although almost half a century has passed since 
he wrote, his work is rarely noticed by English writers. Those 
who have studied at German universities are well acquainted 
with it, and perhaps many others. But in such works as 
the E ncydopcedia Britannica, and the Dictionary of National 
Biography which gives references to the most important 
authorities on each subject treated, Dietrich's work is entirely 
ignored. Cockayne, whose discussion of the subject of 
^Ifric's identity is probably the most thorough and satis- 
factory of anything originally written upon it in English, 
makes no reference to Dietrich. Yet it is hardly to be 
doubted that he was indebted to him, although it may be indi- 
rectly. 

This study is based upon Dietrich's work in so far as that 
accords with the results of more recent investigations. Wliere- 
ever equally advantageous, his words are simply translated. 
Chapters five and six are chiefly translation. Such also is 
chapter seven, but with various additions, omissions and 
modifications, in order to bring the treatment of the subject 
up to the present day. 

In preparing the descriptions of ^Ifric's works I have re- 
written as far as possible Dietrich's different divisions, omit- 
ting some things, adding others, and treating the subjects 
with much freedom. 

The uncertainty which has been felt up to the present time 
as to who ^Ifric was, and where he lived, and his frequent 
identifications with others of the same name, make it very de- 



Preface. 5 

sirable, now that the main ontline of his life is known, to 
take him away completely from the false surroundings in 
which he has been placed, and, as it were, to create his iden- 
tity anew. Hence the attempt has here been made to show his 
true relation to his age, and to embody in a connected whole 
the known facts of his life. As a complete biography the re- 
sult is of course inadequate. Some of the data are uncertain, 
but the degree of uncertainty is indicated. This account of 
^Ifric's life incorporates the chief facts established by 
Dietrich, but is not a translation. In some few cases a result 
different from his has been reached. For instance, the view 
here given is that ^Ifric remained at Cernel from the time 
he left Winchester, in, or soon after 987, until he became 
abbot in 1005. Dietrich's view that he returned to Win- 
chester, and perhaps went elsewhere, is accounted for, in that 
he recognized no relationship between the two noblemen who 
were ^Ifric's patrons, and considered it necessary for him to 
return to Winchester in order to make the acquaintance of 
yEthelweard. The chapter on the monastic revival is added 
in order to explain ^Ifric's literary activity, and is not at all 
derived from Dietrich. 

No attempt has been made to give Dietrich's account 
of the views of the Old English Church according to ^Ifric's 
writings. The spirit in which he treats that subject is char- 
acteristic of all his work, and explains why the results of his 
studies are of permanent value. He says of the above subject: 
'Whether it is Protestant or Catholic does not now concern 
me. I wish to ascertain from his collected expressions upon 
it, and through comparison of these, what that teaching is 
in itself, and what it is in comparison with that of the times 
just before and just after it.' 

In the last chapter are printed the prefaces of ^Ifric's 
writings. They afford material, not only for deciding various 
questions of fact in respect to his life, but when studied either 
separately or in comparison, they reveal much that is of in- 
terest in the character of ^Ifrie, the Christian man and the 
1* 



6 Preface. 

teacher of his people. These prefaces are complete in all 
cases except that of Genesis and the English preface of Catho- 
lic Homilies I. In those, the parts which are not of a personal 
nature are omitted. Also the autohiographical portions of 
the v/ork On the Old and Netv Testaments are given, and an 
extract from the charter of Eynsham Abbey. 

The bibliogTaphy is as complete as circumstances allow. 
It can hardly have" failed to omit some things which should 
find a place in it, since its subject is an author whose volumi- 
nous works have often been printed, and about whom much 
has been said by many writers. 

The original purpose of the present study was to render 
the most important parts of Dietrich's work accessible to 
English readers. The endeavor to fulfil that purpose showed 
the advisability of adding to these some of the results which 
have been reached by other scholars during the years which 
have elapsed since he published his papers. In those years 
nearly all of ^Elfric's writings which were before unpublished 
have been printed, and the authenticity of some hitherto 
doubtful ones has been conclusively established. It should 
be added that the many recent studies of ^Ifric's works have 
only rendered clearer and more certain the chief results ob- 
tained by Dietrich. In most cases where he can be shown to 
have been mistaken, the later 'judgments are derived from 
facts not easily accessible at the time when he wrote. 

I gladly acknowledge my indebtedness to the various schol- 
ars whose works are referred to or quoted in the following 
pages. To Professor Albert S. Cook I am grateful, not only 
for criticism and suggestion, but still more for encouragement 
and inspiration in this endeavor to render a little more dis- 
tinct the life and work of an English scholar of the past. 

C. L. W. 
New Haven, May, 1898. 



CONTENTS. 

Page 

Chronological Tables . . . . . 9 

Chapter I. The Monastic Eevival ... 13 

Chapter II. ^Ifric at Winchester ... 35 

Chapter III. At the Abbey of Cemel ... 47 

Chapter IV. At the Abbey of Eynsham . . 60 

Chapter V. iElfric's Education and Character . 71 

Chapter VI. ^^Ifric's Service and Inflnence . . 83 

Chapter VII. Exploded Theories of .^Ifric's Iden- 
tity 88 

Chapter VIII. .^Ifric's Homilies ... 101 

Chapter IX. Grammatical and Astronomical Writ- 
ings ..... 119 

Chapter X. The Lives of the Saints; Pastoral Let- 
ters or Canons .... 12G 

Chapter XL Translations from the Bible; On the 

Old and Kew Testaments . . 146 

Chapter XII. Life of vEthelwold; De Consuetudine 

Monaehonim . . . . 156 

Chapter XIII. Prefaces of ^Ifric's Works . . 165 

Appendix I. Mores' Treatise on ^Ifric^s Identity . 183 

Appendix II. Summary of Forstei*'s Study of the 
Sources of the Exegetical Hom- 
ilies ..... 185 



8 Contents. 

PAGB 

Appendix III. Summary of Eeiim's Study of the 
Authorship of the De Tempori- 
bus 188 

Appendix IV. Summaries of McLean's and Tess- 
mann's Studies of the Old Eng- 
lish Interrogations . . . 192 

Appendix V. Ott's Study of the Sources of the 
Legendary Homilies in Lives of 
the Saints, I . . . . 195 

Appendix VL Summary of Assmann's Study of 

^Ifrie's Judith . . . 196 

Bibliography . . . . . • . 199 

Classified Bibliogi-aphy . . . . . 311 

Index 313 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

449 The English land in Britain. 

597 Augustine converts Kent. 

597-681 Convei-sion of the English to Christianity. 

GG4 Council of Whitby. Victory of Roman Christianity. 

Cfedmon at Whitby 
668 Theodore made Archbishop of Canterbury. 
673 Birth of Bede, died 742(?). 
789-855 England plundered by the Danes. 
855-897 Danes invade England and make settlements. 
871 Alfred, King of Wessex, bom 849, died 901. 
878 Peace of Wedmore made with the Danes. 
901 Edward the Elder, died 925. 
925 .^thelstan, died 940. 
940 Edmund, died 946. 
945 (?) Dunstan made Abbot of Glastonbury, 
946 Eadred, died 955. 
952(?) .^thelwold made Abbot of Abingdon. 

955 Eadwig, died 959. 

956 Banishment of Dunstan. 

957 Dunstan made Bishop of Worcester, and of London. 
959 Edgar, died 975. 

Dunstan made Archbishop of Canterbury. 
961 Oswald made Bishop of Worcester. 
963 ^thelwold made Bishop of Winchester. 
970 Restoration of Ely Abbey. 
972 Restoration of Peterborough Abbey. 

Oswald made Archbishop of York. 
975 Edward the Martyr, died 978. 
979 ^thelred the Unready, died 1016. 
980-2 Beginning of Danish inroads. 
984 Alphege II. made Bishop of Winchester. 



10 Chronological Table. 

987 Founding of Cemel Abbey. 

988 ^thelgar made Archbishop of Canterbury. 
Beginning of Danish settlements. 

990 Sigeric made Archbishop of Canterbury. 

991 Battle of Maldon. 

992 Aldulf made Archbishop of York, 

994 Danish inroads. 

995 ^Elfric made Archbishop of Canterbury. 
997-999 Eenewed attacks of the Danes. 

998 Death of the ealdorman ^thelweard. 
1003 Wulfstan made Archbishop of York. 

1005 Founding of Eynsham Abbey. 

1006 Alphege made Archbishop of Canterbury. 
Kenulph made Bishop of Winchester. 

1007 ^thelwold II made Bishop of AVinchester. 
1016 Accession of Edmund Ironside. 

Cnut, King of England. 

1023 ^Ifric made Archbishop of York. 

1035 Harold Barefoot, died 1040. 

1040 Harthacnut, died 1042. 

1042 Edward the Confessor, died 1066. 

1066 Harold elected King; Battle of Senlac; Norman Con- 
quest. 



CHIEF DATES OF CLERIC'S LIFE. 



Some of these dates are conjectural. The degree of uncertainty is indicated in" the 
chapters that treat of jElfric's life. 



955 Birth. 

973-987 Life at Winchester. 

987-1004 Life at Cemel. 

990-991 The Catholic Homilies, I. 

992 The De Temporibns. 

991 The Catholic Homilies, II. 

995 Grammar. 

998 Lives of the Saints. 

997-999 The Glossary 

998 Translations from the Old Testament. 

998-1001 Pastoral Letter for Wulfsige. 

995-1005 The Colloquium. 
1005 ^Ifric Abbot of Eynsham. 
1005-1006 Tract composed for Wulfgeat. 

1005 Excerpts from the De Consuetudine. 

1006 Latin Life of ^thelwold. 

1005-12 Treatise on the Old and New Testaments. 
1007-1012 Sermon on Vigilate Ergo. 
1014-1016 Pastoral Letter for Wulfstan. ' — 
1020 Second edition of the Catholic Homilies. 
1020-1025 Death. 



' If we add to the consideration (of their belief in the approaching 
end of the world), the recollection how imperfect was the possession 
then retained of the literature of antiquity, the indifference with which 
that literature was regarded by the majority, and the difficulties under 
which it was studied and transmitted, it may perhaps occur to us 
that the censure and the sarcasm so often directed against these 
ages, might well give place to something more of reverence and grati- 
tude towards the heroic few who tended the lamp amid the darkness 
and the storm.' J. B. Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, p 46. 



CHAPTER I. 
THE MONASTIC EEVIVAL. 

The story of any life is incomplete which gives no glimpse 
of the human influences that have moulded it, and the other 
lives upon which it has impressed its personality. This is 
most truly the case when the man of whom the story is told 
is one who has spent his years in the service of his fellow-men. 
In the life of Abbot ^Ifric, the greatest of the Old English 
prose writers, we cannot find the real man by seeking him 
in the quiet cell of a mediseval monk. It is only when we 
place him in the midst of human interests, and in direct re- 
lation to the men of the period in which he actually lived, 
that the true ^Ifric "wnll appear. While history has given us 
only a few of the minor details of his life, our knowledge of 
its chief events, though imperfect, is now fairly certain. 
Enough is told to illuminate the time in which he lived, to ex- 
plain his various undertakings, and to give consistency to his 
literary work. But it is possible for us to understand in some 
measure his relation to his contemporaries, and it is absolutely 
essential that we should understand this in order to estimate 
correctly the nature and the value of his work. Therefore 
before recounting the story of the man himself, we will speak 
of the age in which he lived, and of the men whose influence 
upon their time made possible the activities of that life which 
we are to describe. 

The life and writings of ^Ifric belong to a cultural 
epoch of great significance; they are part of a movement 
which occupies a definite and important place in English his- 
tory. We propose in this chapter to show the historical rela- 
tion of this movement to earlier times, and some of its im- 
portant features as it was carried on by a few earnest men in 
the latter half of the tenth century. 
2 



14 The Monastic Hevival. 

The childhood and youth of ^Ifric fell in the reign of 
Edgar, the great-grandson of Alfred, a period of unwonted 
prosperity for England. Its few years of tranquility followed 
more than a century of disheartening struggles with the 
Northmen, when first as invaders, and then as inhabitants of 
the land, the Danes had been alternately defeated and victori- 
ous, and had for the time prevented the internal and social 
development of the nation. The unbroken peace of Edgar*B 
reign seemed the beginning of better things. 

Fortunately influences for higher culture, an intellectual 
and religious revival, had begun to work actively even before 
this, in the reigns of Edmund and Eadred, and it was Edgar's 
hearty co-operation with those men who were working for 
the moral uplift of the nation, that helped most to make 
the few years of his reign memorable. History represents 
Edgar as the weak slave of vice, and, on the other hand, as 
a wise and noble king. Some truth there is in both tradi- 
tions. Well authenticated inconsistencies appear in the 
king's life. And yet good in him must have had most power, 
for he showed wisdom and energy as a king, and chose as his 
chief counsellors men of undoubted righteousness, while he 
himself evidently loved goodnesBS and good men for their own 
sakes. 

This period of earnest effort to revive letters and purify life 
is usually spoken of as that of the Monastic Revival. It cen- 
ters chiefly in the lives of three men, Dunstan, .^thelwold, 
and Oswald, whose period of activity reaches from about the 
middle of the tenth century to the beginning of its last de- 
cade. Their names are great in the history of that day, and af- 
ter their deaths they were not only canonized, but remem- 
bered by the people as worthy of all love and reverence. For 
us their great significance lies more in the spirit in which they 
worked and in the ultimate ends they sought, than in the 
direct means which they employed, even though the means 
themselves were fruitful of good. Not as revivers of monas- 
ticism for its own sake do we specially honor them, but be- 



The Monastic Mevival. 15 

cause they loved the ideal ends which that monasticism was 
meant to promote, and because they laid the chief stress on 
the ends rather than on the means. Various causes, how- 
ever, have given the monastic element an undue emphasis in 
the historic records. To the people of their own time they 
represented the higher ideals of living, and there gathered 
about them the men who cared for the things of the spirit, 
and gladly followed their leadership. Nowhere is there a 
better example of their power to train men to live patient, 
unselfish, laborious lives, than .'Ethelwold's pupil, ^Ifric, 
alumnus of Winchester. 

The tenth century is one of the most barren in original 
English historical documents. There remains much that we 
still need to know in order that an accurate and just under- 
standing of the time may be possible for us. Some light is 
given by three early biographies of the churchmen who have 
been named. Each was written within a few years of the 
death of the man whom it describes, by one who knew him 
personally. "While all of these biographies contain some ad- 
mixture of fable, they are for the most part trustworthy, and 
stand among 'the memorials of the best men of the time, 
written by the best scholars of the time.' 

In order to understand the reforms of Dunstan and his 
co-workers, and successors, among whom Abbot ^Ifric 
should be counted, it is necessary to appreciate the condition 
of the church and of monastic life when these men began to 
make their influence felt. And first of all, it must be remem- 
bered that the clergy formed the sole cultured class; that in 
their keeping was not only all religious teaching, but also 
the preservation of literature and the instruction of the 
young; in other words, the furnishing of nearly all the men- 
tal stimulus which comes to a people through the knowledge 
of the past, and the use of that knowledge in the preparation 
for the future. The numerous sermons and other writings 
of ^]lfric continually reminded his readers of this as of a 
well understood fact, and TEliTic's, choice of material in most 



16 The Monastic Hevivdl. 

of his writings, which were designed for laymen, profess- 
edly takes this into account. 

From its early days, the English Church had combined 
episcopacy with monasticism. The limits of the first bishop- 
rics had corresponded with those of the different kingdoms 
that embraced Christianity, like those kingdoms changing 
their boundaries with the successes and defeats of the politi- 
cal rulers. Archbishop Theodore (688-690) sub-divided 
some of these large dioceses, added new ones, and gave to the 
church, with the co-operation of the rulers, a more complete 
and centralized organization. The parish system was of 
someM^hat later origin. It grew up in this way: the land was 
held by owners of large tracts, and the religious needs of the 
tenants were commonly provided for by the owner of the 
township, who built and endowed the village church, and 
provided it with a pastor ordained by the bishop. 

But from the very first, monasticism, although upon the 
whole subordinate to the episcopal organization, had been of 
great importance in England. The life of the English 
Church began with the founding of the monastery of Christ 
Church at Cante^bur}^ The conversion of the different 
English kingdoms was brought about by the patient work of 
the monks. The Celtic Church, the great instrument for the 
conversion of the North, was almost exclusively monastic in 
its tendencies, and though the Synod of Whitby (664) decided 
that the English Church was to belong to the Roman com- 
munion, it did not change the ideal of holy living which 
Columba and Aidan and Cuthbert had set forth by teaching 
and example, and which the Eoman Church not only did not 
discourage, but even promoted. Indeed, the century that 
followed Whitby was the great monastic century. Then 
were founded the monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow by 
Benedict Biscop, Glastonbury, Peterborough, Abingdon, Ely, 
and a host of others. 

The brightest lights of this flourishing period axe Csedmon 
and Bede, and there might be added a list of many names, 



The Monastic Revival. 17 

not indeed of poets, like Csedmon, or of great scholars like 
Bede, but yet of devoted Christian adherents of the monastic 
houses, who fostered piety and scholarship, and made their 
lives powerful for good. Libraries, indispensable in a Bene- 
dictine house, were gathered together, and schools were estab- 
lished by the monks. Evils and abuses there undoubtedly 
were. A system founded on a theory of society which makes 
it holier to withdraw from the common life of men than to 
live that life from the highest motives, is in itself so unnat- 
ural that it never long maintains itself free from abuse. Yet 
the monasteries of early mediseval England fostered indus- 
try, set a high standard for human conduct, and kept alive 
piety, literature and education. Our indebtedness to them 
is beyond calculation. 

Near the close of the eighth century began the invasions of 
the Danes, when, because of their wealth, churches and mon- 
asteries became special objects of plunder and destruction. 
Their inmates were driven away or killed on the spot, their 
books and other treasures were destroyed, and their walls 
were burned to the ground. Thus perished within a few 
years the monasteries of Lindisfarne (793), Wearmouth, Jar- 
row, Peterborough, Ely, Croyland and many others, together 
with many churches; while their monks, nuns and priests 
either abandoned their service or were barbarously put to 
death. At the beginning of this period of devastation Eng- 
land stood high among the nations of Europe in religion, 
education, and literary culture; at its close, the clergy, with- 
out books or teachers, were quite unfitted to be the guides 
of the people, and the people themselves had lost their Chris- 
tian ideals and become rude like the barbarians who were 
now finding homes for themselves through all the northern 
and eastern parts of the land. The monasteries had almost 
ceased to exist. 

It was in these distressing days that King Alfred, mindful 
of the wise and good men, and the great learning and devo- 
tion to the service of G-od which had abounded among the 



18 The Monastic JRevival. 

English in the former days,' undertook to revive among his 
people religion and the love of letters. He made laws to 
check the prevailing immorality and to promote justice; he 
induced men of culture and piety to come from other coun- 
tries to assist him; and in every way, by example and by 
incentive, he endeavored to repair the losses suffered, and to 
set at work all possible instrumentalities for educating and 
enlightening the church and the people. He established at 
Winchester a school where not only his own cliildren, but 
also the sons of his nobles and others could be well 
instructed, and by his own study and by the work of his 
assistants, he furnished translations of useful books: of Bedels 
Ecclesiastical History, of Gregory's Pastoral Care, of Orosius' 
History of the World, and of Boethius' Consolations of Pliil- 
osopJiy. He collected the annals of English history and 
started the Saxon Chronicle. 

Alfred's efforts were still bearing fruit in the days when 
Dunstan and his friends imdertook their work. His books 
were read by the few who could read, and the tradition of 
better things was by no means forgotten. But there was 
need of revival and reformation. One has only to read the 
history of Alfred's royal successors, to see that while they 
desired the prosperity of the church and of scholarship, their 
energies were of necessity chiefly absorbed in preserving and 
enlarging the dominion of the Wessex kingdom, which bad 
come in the tenth century to mean the kingdom of all the 
English. That the work of Alfred and his immediate suc- 
cessors had thus failed to bring about even a tolerable state 
of morality and culture will appear from the following 
points: 

First, the religious and moral influence of the clergy was 
to a considerable extent degrading, not elevating. Following 
the teaching of St. Gregory, the clergy of the English Church, 
except the orders below the priest, were celibate from its 



I See the preface of Alfred's translation of Gregory's Cura Pastoralis. 



The Monastic Revival. 19 

foundation, and so continued until the devastations of the 
Danes broke up the religious hoiises, and scattered the monks 
and the secular clergy. At the time when Dunstan began 
his work many of the officiating priests had asserted their 
right to marry, and had married, though not legally, of 
course, for they could not marry legally. Fiirthermore the 
immoral position in which they were thus placed, made it 
easy for them to take the next step and divorce one wife for 
another whenever they chose to do so. This practice had 
grown out of the demoralized state of the country and the 
dissoluteness of life which followed the overthrow of almost 
all the centers of religion and culture. The practice resulted 
not from a conviction of its reasonableness, but from the 
desire to be free from restraint. The same irksomeness of 
restraint made the services of the church distasteful, and the 
priests who drew the revenues often performed their church 
duties by proxy. In the monasteries and cathedral establish- 
ments the services were now performed by the secular clergy, 
often men of dissolute lives. No more severe commentary 
on the church of that day can be found, than the laws of the 
state and the canons of the church issued in respect to the 
clergy. 

Secondly, the education of the clergy and consequently of 
the people, had fallen with their morals, and from the same 
causes. The destruction of libraries, the absence of schools 
and teachers and centers of culture, had resulted in that 
state of illiteracy and indifference to learning of which 
^Ifric speaks when he says, 'before Archbishop Dunstan 
and Bishop ^thelwold re-established the monastic schools, 
no English priest was able to compose or understand a letter 
in Latin.' Even if this were not true without exception, it 
must have been generally true. 

But there were many who longed for a healthier condition 
of affairs, and were ready to welcome and promote any change 
which promised to forward a better civilization. The mon- 
asteries, as has been said, were almost destroyed. It might 



20 The Monastic Revival, 

well have seemed to those who cherished the tradition of the 
past, a feasible and promising enterprise to found anew the 
abbeys and the abbey schools. The actual change, however, 
came about like most genuine reforms, not by preordained, 
systematic arrangement, but by a natural train of circum- 
stances. At Glastonbury Abbey, perhaps the oldest seat of 
Christianity in England, there still lingered a few secular 
clergy who preserved the tradition of learning and piety 
unbroken. Dunstan, the son of a wealthy kinsman of Bishop 
Alphege of Winchester, was bom near Glastonbury about 
922. This boy, of poetical temperament, and fond of study, 
was placed by his parents in the famous abbey, where he re- 
ceived the tonsure. There he studied and read so diligently 
that the fame of his learning reached the court of King 
.^thelstan, and he was summoned thither, but only to be- 
come an object of jealousy to his young companions, who 
conspired against him and brought about his banishment 
from court. At this crisis Bishop Alphege, who saw in 
his young relative a man whose brilliant qualities would help 
forward the cause of God and of the church, besought him to 
take the monastic vow, which, in accordance with the mon- 
astic practice of the English hitherto, meant the vow of celi- 
bacy and devotion to God, but did not insist upon the stricter 
regulations of the Benedictine order. 

Dunstan hesitated, but a little later, when the disgrace of 
banishment, and the ill treatment of the courtiers had been 
followed by a severe illness, he yielded to the persuasions of 
his friend, became a monk, and returned to his own abbey of 
Glastonbury. From there he was recalled to court by King 
Edmund, but envy once more drove him from the king's 
presence. A little later, about 945, the repentant Edmund, 
in atonement for his injustice, appointed DunstaJi, then 
scarcely more than twenty years old, abbot of Glastonbury, 
according to his biographer, 'the first abbot of the English 
nation.' The enterprising spirit of the young monk quickly 
brought disciples once more to Glastonbury who soon be- 



The Monastic Mevival. 21 

came Benedictine brethren. New buildings were added to 
the monastery, manuscripts were gathered into its library, 
and a great enthusiasm for study possessed the abbey school 
with Dimstan as the teacher. The keynote of the life there 
can hardly have been strongly ascetic. What we see of 
Dunstan and his influence seems to forbid such a view. Not- 
withstanding the many marvellous tales which gathered 
around Dunstan's name soon after his death, the character of 
the man in its chief outlines is distinct, and we can see in this 
mediseval abbot a lover of literature, of music, of painting, 
a versatile and strong personality, wise and devout. As 
such, he made a lasting impression upon his pupils. "We can 
not doubt that those early students were picked men, elect 
by their own hunger for higher opportunities, attracted to 
this spot by a man who possessed that union of imaginative 
power, executive ability, and devotion to ideal ends, which is 
of all types of character the one most universally attractive to 
i^eekers after the ideal. 

But a short time passed before Dunstan's scholars were 
sought for as pastors and teachers in many different cities, so 
that the influence of Glastonbury was widely disseminated, 
and abbots, bishops, even archbishops, went forth from that 
monastery, and by useful lives, and in some instances by 
heroic deaths, attested the value of the instruction they had 
received. 

Among his disciples at Glastonbury was ^thelwold, a 
monk of about his own age,' a native of Winchester, and a 
pupil of his kinsman. Bishop Alphege, by whom both young 
men had been ordained on the same day to the priest's office. 
It is most probable that they had also been associated at the 
royal court, for ^thelwold was for a long time attached to 
the king's retinue, where, his biographer says, 'he learned 
many useful things from the king-'s counsellors.' His bril- 
liant record as a student at Winchester had, as in Dunstan's 



I Perhaps a few years older, but probably not born as early as 908, as some have 
thought. See Acta Sanctorum^ edited by Bollandus, Vol. 35, notes on iEthelwold's life. 



22 The Monastic Mevival. 

case, led to the summons to attend upon the king. On join- 
ing the brethren at Glastonbury he devoted himself to 
'grammatical and metrical science' and to the study of sacred 
letters; he was prayerful and self-denying, and made his in- 
fluence felt among the brethren of the monastery. At length 
he took the monastic vow and formally joined the Benedic- 
tine order, and still continued for some time longer at the 
abbey of G^lastonb^^ry, which was up to this time the only 
house of monks in England. In this quiet and holy life the 
appreciation of such advantages grew stronger within him, 
and he felt that he must learn more of the regular monastic 
discipline, and consult sacred writings not to be found in his 
own country, accordingly he decided to go abroad. 

Continental monasticism had a close connection with this 
new zeal in England. The foreign marriages of the English 
royal house had facilitated intercourse between the Flemish 
monasteries and the higher clergy of the English church, a 
connection which is important to notice here. But more 
than this, England, though separated from the Continent, was 
yet near enough to it to share in its general course of thought 
and development. The fall of the monasteries in England 
had not been an isolated fact. Those of France and other 
countries had also declined, and much the same antecedents 
appear in all cases. * Three prominent causes of the decline 
are the following: first, the Continent as well as England 
had suffered from barbarian invasions; second, on both sides 
of the Channel before the period of invasion, the church 
had lost much of its enthusiasm for monastic life, and the 
outward misfortunes only precipitated and rendered more 
complete a change that had already begun; third, the enor- 
mous gifts of land to the churches and monasteries had put 
great wealth and great secular interests under ecclesiastical 



I See E. Sackur Die Cluniacenser im Ihrer Kircklicken und Allgenteingeschichtlich- 
en Wirksaynkeit, I. Introduction; also Lingard's Hist, and Antiq.of the A.-S. Churchy 
II, 217. 



The Monastic Revival. 23 

control,' and had withdrawn from the use of the kings and 
of the peoples too large a part of the territory of the king- 
doms. It is in consequence of this that in the period of mon- 
astic decline we see the temporal rulers taking into royal 
ownership a large part of the lands which had belonged to the 
religious establishments. 

As the monasteries declined in the different countries at 
about the same time, so the Benedictine revival in England 
corresponded with one on the Continent, and it can hardly be 
doubted that the first impulse in England came from abroad, 
or at least that the foreign influence gave shape to existing 
aspirations. The reformation of the French monasteries be- 
gan not far from 910, and Cluny, and Fleury on the Loire 
were influential centers of reform. 

Dunstan became a monk through the influence of Bishop 
Alphege, and Alphege's superior, Odo, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury (926-959), had taken the monastic vow at Fleury. Both 
Odo and Alphege. esteemed the life of a Benedictine monk 
the vocation most to be desired for their young kinsmen, as 
we have seen in Dunstan's case, and shall see in that of 
Oswald, Odo's nephew. Dunstan himself when he fled from 
the persecution of Eadwig (956), found refuge at St. Peter's 
abbey in Ghent, and there had opportunity for personal in- 
spection of a prosperous Flemish monastery, in which ^secular 
canons had been replaced by Benedictines about twelve years 
before Dunstan was received there, or in 9-i4.''' 

^thelwold's after life proves that his plans at Glaston- 
bury for study abroad, had a practical aim. He was surely 
looking forward then to that extensive Avork of re-founding 
monasteries in which he himself was to take such an impor- 
tant part. When at last he made it known that he was to 
leave England, the king's mother, Eadgifu, the widow of 



1 In making grants of land to churches and monasteries the donors were not influ- 
enced exclusively by religious motives, but 'chiefly by considerations of social and politica- 
utility.' Earle's Land Charters afid Saxonic Documents, p. Ixxxix. 

2 E. W. Robertson, Historical Essays, p. 194. 



24 The Monastic Bevival. 

King Edward, urged her son, King Eadred, not to permit it. 
^thelwold's abilities and attainments had no doubt been 
reported to her since he entered upon his life at Glastonbury, 
and it is not unlikely that she sometimes visited Dunstan's 
abbey. It is certain that she would remember the promise 
of his early years when with other young men he was in 
attendance at ^thelstan's court. 'Such a man,' she said, 
'must not be lost to England.' To Eadred the intimate friend 
and ardent admirer of Dunstan, ^thelwold also was no 
stranger. Eadred, prompted by his mother, saw plainly that 
the way to retain the energetic monk in his service was to 
forward his ideal ends by giving him an opportunity to put 
them into practice. A feasible plan was suggested to the 
king, and with ^thelwold's consent a new enterprise was 
undertaken which was singularly fitted to meet his desires 
and to engage his activities. Among the old-time abbeys 
almost destroyed by the Danes in Alfred's time, and noAv des- 
titute and forsaken, was Abingdon on the Thames river a few 
miles south of Oxford. Some wretched buildings and a small 
area of land were all that remained of the once well endowed 
abbey.' It is an instance of what was to be found all 
through England: much of the rich land of the monas- 
teries, the gifts of kings and of laymen in the more prosper- 
ous times, of the religious houses had been absorbed into the 
royal domain. But the tide had already begun to turn; King 
Edmund had given several grants of land to Glastonbury, and 
now, dating from the new endowment of Abingdon, for many 
subsequent years, the Codex Diphmaiicus abounds in char- 
ters and records of the re-endowment of the old abbeys. ^ 



1 Cockayne is of the opinion that the abbey was not so poor as has been represented, 
because there are records of several grants of land to it in 930 and 931, and it was a rich 
abbey before Alfred's time. But these lands seem to have been under the king's control 
and not available for the use of the establishment until granted anew by Eadred. See 
Cockayne, Leechdoms^ Wortcunnings, etc.. III. 408-9. 

2 A few donations to churches and monasteries had been made by every king who had 
ruled in the tenth century. In a charter signed by Edmund, Eadred and Eadwig (Cod. 
Dip. A .-S. 259-60) are these words ' Nos dei gratia reges reddimus tellures has, quas 
praedecessores nostri fratribus Christique aecclesia retrahere consueverunt.' The authen- 
ticity of such a document may be questioned, but the fact contained is doubtless true. 



The Monastic Hevival. 25 

Thus we read in this case that 'it came to pass with Dunstan's 
permission, according to the king's will, that ^thelwold re- 
ceived in charge the monastery of Abingdon to promote the 
cause of God, and to ordain there monks serving God accord- 
ing to the Rule/ ' It is to be noticed that Dunstan's permis- 
sion is asked. This indicates not merely that he was ^thel- 
wold's superior at Glastonbury; already he had become Ead- 
red's chief adviser, and begun to take that active part in the 
government of the realm which did not cease for any length 
of time until ^thelred's reign, nearly thirty years later. 

The story of ^thelwold continues as follows: 'Then this 
servant of God came to the place entrusted to him, and there 
immediately followed him certain secular clergy from Glas- 
tonbury: Osgax, Foldbircht and Frith egar; also Ordbircht 
from Winchester, and Eadric from London, who all put 
themselves under his discipline; and in a short time he assem- 
bled a company of monks, and by the king's command was 
made their abbot.' The importance of this step is not 
likely to be overestimated. Its influence appears as a bene- 
ficent one all through the subsequent history of the English 
until the Norman Conquest, and indirectly in later times. 
We of the present age owe a large part of our knowledge of 
late Old English history and culture to its preservation by 
instrumentalities set in motion by the new foundation of 
Abingdon. It was by the labors of monks, especially of those 
trained by ^thelwold or his pupils, in the monasteries 
founded in imitation of this one or influenced by it, that 
books were composed or translated, manuscripts copied, and 
the minutiae of secular and religious history recorded. These 
results of their work are the original documents which open 
up the details of the life of the tenth, eleventh and later cen- 
turies. The initial movement Avas, as we have seen, given by 
Dunstan at Glastonbury. His later activity in the founding 
of monasteries was, like his earlier work, designed to further 



iLi/e of St. ALthelwold., in Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, II. 257. 



26 The Monastic Revival. 

education and religion, but not so much to emphasize the 
stricter Benedictine ideas. In this he was different from 
^thelwold. Yet they worked together in entire harmony, 
and the work of each supplemented that of the other and 
made it more efficient. 

The migration of ^thelwold to Abingdon, and the re- 
opening of the old monastery was, we may be sure, a matter 
of concern to many. We have a hint of this in the different 
centers of interest represented by the men who followed to 
take part in the new undertaking: Glastonbury, London, and 
Winchester, as well as others, doubtless, of which we are not 
told. Queen Eadgifu contributed liberally of money. The 
king, the patron of the enterprise, gave his royal estate at 
Abingdon and its best buildings for the support of the new 
foundation. He helped too with money, and took a personal 
part in the arrangements for rebuilding. Coming to Abing- 
don he planned the construction of the new church, meas- 
ured with his own hands the foundations, and decided how the 
walls should be built. He did not however live to see the 
new abbey, but ^thelwold built in a later reign. Eadred's 
death seems to have delayed the work, for in another writing ' 
we are told that Edgar was the founder of the church. 
During the four years of Eadwig's reign, several grants of 
land were made by the king to ^thelwold for the abbey. 
Meanwhile, the abbot took pains to interest the young prince 
Edgar, and with such success that 'as soon as he was chosen 
to his kingdom (959) he was very mindful of his promise, 
which he made to God and to St. Mary, when as a young 
child in his princely estate the abbot invited him to the 
monastery.' 'He soon gave orders to have a glorious minster 
built there within the space of three years,' and 'commanded 
that same minster thus ornamented to be consecrated to St. 
Mary, to the praise and worship of God.' An interesting 
description of this round-apsed church and its parts is found 



T- Leechdoms^ IVoricunning, etc. III. 439. 



The Monastic Revival. 27 

in the history of the abbots of Abingdon, ^thelwold him- 
self superintended its construction, built the organ, and made 
the bells. Above the altar he placed a tablet adorned with 
figures of the twelve apostles in pure gold and silver, at a 
cost of three hundred pounds, and there were many other 
beautiful and costly treasures.' ^Ifric himself, who also 
speaks of this in his life of yEthelwold, had evidently seen 
with admiring eyes the completed building. The success of 
the new work was now assured. In the chronicle of Abing- 
don there are recorded no less than fifteen royal grants of 
valuable lands to the church and monastery during the years 
of ^thelwold's administration, and in the few following 
years, up to 975, there are seven more. 

Although the abbot could not leave England himself, he 
did not forget his earlier designs. It is more than probable 
that the practical duties of his new office strengthened his 
purpose to obtain a fuller knowledge of the rules of his 
order, and of its administration in the better-organized ab- 
beys on the Continent. Accordingly when the opportunity 
came, he sent Osgar, one of his monks who had come with 
him from Glastonbury, who was later his successor as abbot 
of Abingdon, to the Benedictine house at Fleury, to study 
the system of the order, and to fit himself to teach it to the 
brethren at home. From this we must infer that the rule 
observed at Glastonbui-y was not the fully developed system 
of St. Benedict, but was derived probably from traditions of 
the earlier English monasteries, perhaps with admixture of 
Celtic tradition, since Dunstan's biographer says that he had 
studied 'Irish books."' 

In 903, after about ten years at Abingdon, ^thelwold was 
appointed by King Edgar, bishop of Winchester. In that 
city the episcopal seat was in the church of the Old Monas- 
tery, of which the bishop always acted as abbot. It was in 
the school of this monastery that .lithelwold had studied in 



1 Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon II. 277-8. 

2 Cf. E. W. Robertson, Historical Essays, p. 190. 



28 The Monastic Revival, 

boyhood under Bisho^j Alphege. But now, when he returned 
to his old home, he found the change from the atmosphere 
of study and devotion in which he had been living quite in- 
tolerable. Thiis far there were no monks in England except 
at Glastonbur}^ and Abingdon, * and here at Winchester, 
among the secular clergy connected with the cathedral, were 
men who disgraced their office by vicious lives. Given up to 
avarice, luxury, and drunkenness, their influence only 
strengthened the evil in the world about them. They put 
away their illegal wives and took others; they sometimes dis- 
dained the sendees of the church, and refused to celebrate 
mass in their turn. But they must have known well by 
report the character of the new bishop and what his demands 
might be, and with no willing mind have awaited his coming 
among them. As for ^thelwold, he did not question what 
he ought to do. With the king's assistance, he expelled those 
of the disaffected clergy who would not take the monastic 
vow, and filled their places with monks from Abingdon. We 
do not know that he used persuasion or sought to appease 
opposition, so that his action here appears somewhat harsh. 

And now began for him a career of great activity. With 
peace and good order restored to his own monastery and 
cathedral establishment, he carried his reforms still farther: 
in the words of his biographer: 'He expanded his wings, and 
expelled the secular clergy from the New Monastery, or- 
dained ^thelgar his disciple as abbot there, and placed 
under him monks of the regular order (964).' This mon- 
astery and a convent of nuns adjoining had been found- 
ed by King Alfred. In the latter minster also, ^thelwold 
established the Benedictine discipline. It is to his influence 
too that we must ascribe the expulsion of the secular clergy 
in the same year at Chertsey and at Milton, and the introduc- 
tion of monks into their places. 



I This does not mean that all of the old monasteries were uninhabited; in some of 
them, as at Winchester, Ely and Worcester, the homes of the monks were taken by secu- 
lar clergy, who perhaps considered themselves as filling the places of the monks. 



The 3Ionastic Revival. 29^ 

i)nnstan, who meanwhile (959) had become archbishop of 
Canterbury, co-operated with ^thelwold in the reforms in 
his diocese, and seconded his other efforts to introduce bene- 
ficial changes. As primate and chief advisor of the king, 
Dunstan was now able to balance the interests of church and 
state with a view to the welfare of both, and so long as Edgar 
lived no serious obstacle hindered him from carrying for- 
ward his policy. * Hereafter ^thelwold too appears, not 
simply as bishop but as a chosen counsellor of the king. " 

At Winchester,, the royal capital, the bishop occupied a 
position of great poAver in a time when church and state were 
very closely united; and a man of ^thelwold's character and 
force, bent on certain definite results to be attained, was sure 
to use all the influence that his position allowed him. It 
accords then with a reasonable expectation when we read in 
a contemporary writer that 'The king was instructed in the 
knowledge of the true King by ^thelwokl, bishop of the city 
of Winchester, and that ^thelwold greatly incited the king, 
so that he sent the secular clergy away from the monasteries 
and brought in men of our order.' In 963, when ^thelwold 
became bishop, Edgar was but twenty years old. We have 
reason to believe that the king M^as not the hypocrite that he 
has been called by his enemies. But it is also impossible to 
doubt that much of his enthusiasm for reform, and his per- 
sonal activity in restoring the monasteries of England, was 
due to the careful instruction and earnest personal influence 
of Dunstan and ^thelwold. 

The labors of the Bishop of Winchester soon extended be- 
yond the limits of his diocese. He visited the almost de- 



I ' If we read the accounts of the hagiologists, all is done by Dunstan, and we see 
nothing of Eadgar. If we trust to the scanty records of the Chronicle Dunstan is unheard 
of, and the glory of the reign is wholly due to Eadgar. The contemporary charters supply 
the explanation of the seeming inconsistency; they show so far as their evidence goes, that 
the work was one, but that its oneness was the result of a common and unbroken action of 
the primate and the king.' Green, Conquest of England^ p. 306. 

2 ' Erat Athelwoldus a secretis regis Eadgari.' Life of Aithelwold by .lEIfric, p. 262. 
' Qui erat Confessor Domini Regis et secretorum conscius.' Wharton, Anglia Sacra, I. 603. 

3 Historians of the Church of York and its Archbishops, I. 426-7. Rolls Series. 

3 



30 The 3Ionastic Hevival. 

serted shrine of St. ^thelclred at Ely and found it still rich 
in buildings and lands which now belonged to the royal ex- 
chequer. An arrangement was made with the king for the 
possession of the abbey, and a large number of monks, with 
Brithnoth, ^Ethelwold's pupil, as their abbot, was established 
there under the Benedictine rule.' From the king and the 
nobles he obtained Peterborough abbey (972), where he 
found remaining only 'old walls and wild woods.' This he 
founded anew under Aldulph, later archbishop of York. At 
about the same time the abbey of Thorney, not far from 
Peterborough, was also re-established by ^thelwold. From 
these foundations of the two famous houses of Ely and Peter- 
borough begins the second chapter in their history, which 
continues unbroken until the present day. Of the influence 
of the first of these upon subsequent history, Conybeare says: 
'The above-mentioned restoration of Ely is an event of the 
first importance in the history of Cambridgeshire. Cam- 
bridge itself would probably but for Ely have remained an 
obscure provincial town instead of one of the great intellec- 
tual centres of the world. For from Ely we shall see, 
came almost certainly the earliest germs of our University 
life.' '^ The prompt and vigorous action of the reformers at 
this time is thus described by ^Ifric: 'and so it came to pass 
that partly by the advice and effort of Dunstau, and partly by 
those of ^thelwold, monasteries were founded everywhere 
among the English, with monks and nuns living according to 
the rule under abbots and abbesses. And ^thelwold went 



1 Clericos quidem Monachilem habitum suscipere consentientes in Monasterium susce- 
it, renuentes de Monasterio expulit. Anglia Sacra, I. 604. 

2 History 0/ Cambridgeshire, p. 71. From the same, p. 73, we take the following: ' The 
revenues and jurisdiction of the Isle (of Ely) were now restored to the Church and the 
ancient limits most accurately marked out afresh by Edgar, after consultation with the 
leading men of the whole neighborhood.' ' And the Isle, though for some civil purposes 
regarded as a part of Cambridgeshire, has this day its own County Council, within these 
same limits, and ecclesiastically is exempt from archdiaconal jurisdiction, being imme- 
diately under the Bishop as representing the Abbot of Ely ' 

See the accounts of the foundations of Ely and Peterborough in the Saxon Chronicle 
under the year 963. 



The Monastic Revival. 31 

about from monastery to monaster}^ establishing their cus- 
toms.' 

With the work earned forward at Winchester, Ely, and 
elsewhere by ^thelwold and his friends, Oswald Bishop of 
Worcester was in full sympathy. The nephew of Odo, x\rch- 
bishop of Canterbury, Oswald had distinguished himself in 
youth by studious tastes, had remained for a time in a mon- 
astery at Winchester either as prior or canon, living there 
a luxurious life among the secular clergy, and later had at his 
own request been sent by Odo to study at Fleui-y. There 
his earnest character and winning traits made him a gen- 
eral favorite; indeed, all through his life he possessed rare 
power to win the love of the men about him. The length 
of his stay at Fleury is uncertain, but probably lasted 
several years. The school of Fleury, later celebrated for 
its fine library, even at this time offered unusual advan- 
tages. Oswald entered into its life with ardent desires for 
the best training. There he made himself a master of the 
secular and religious studies of the age. There also he 
studied music and trained his beautiful voice to sing the ser- 
vices of the church. His love of justice and of noble living, 
which was to become a light in his own country, shone 
brightly in this foreign monastery. He returned to England 
just after Odo's death (959), made Dunstan's acquaintance, 
and in 961 was appointed Bishop of Worcester. In the 
monastery connected with Worcester Cathedral he found 
secular clergy who had been left there undisturbed by Dun- 
stan, his predecessor. Neither here nor at York, of which 
he became archbishop in 972, did he replace the secular clergy 
with monks, nor did Dunstan, now Archbishop of Canter- 
bury (959), make any such change there.* 



I ' He held the See of Canterbury for nearly twenty-seven years, and never introduced a 
Benedictine into the diocese. Clerks accompanied ^thelwold from Glastonbury when he 
revived the monastery of Abingdon; clerks welcomed the new archbishop to Canterbury 
and remained in unmolested possession of Christ Church until the time of Abp. ^Ifric' 
E. W. Robertson, Historical Essays, p. 194. 



32 The Monastic Revival. 

And now it happened in "Worcester, just as in the early 
days of Glastonbury and Abingdon, that many of the secular 
clergy were eager for instruction. Germanus, a friend of 
Oswald's whom he had left at Fleury on the occasion of his 
second visit there (960 or 961), was soon summoned home 
to teach the brethren at Worcester. Before long their num- 
ber was so large that Oswald provided a home for them at 
Westbury, a parish of his diocese, and there under the rule of 
Germanus they lived quietly for two or three years as a Bene- 
dictine house. But as interest increased, it was thought 
best to hold a council of '^all the authority of all Albion.' The 
king appears in the narrative as the chief actor in this assem- 
bly, but Oswald's part is suggested when it is said that the 
King 'acknowledged the fame of Saint Benedict through the 
narration of pious Bishop Oswald.' ' Dunstan and ^thel- 
wold were both present and took part in the deliberations. 
The council resulted in an order of the king's for the es- 
tablishment of 'more than forty monasteries' and the charge 
of accomplishing this was committed to ^thelwold and 
Oswald. This was before the re-founding of Ely, for when 
Oswald asked for a suitable home for his monks, Ely was one 
of the places suggested by the king. The earliest life of 
Oswald, written between 995 and 1005, is by a monk of Ram- 
sey, who shows how that place was at length decided upon as 
the site for the new abbey. This story, told with the inter- 
ested zeal of one who had had a share in the benefits of the 
house, relates how Oswald met by chance ^thelwin, the son 
of the great ealdorman, ^thelstan, the 'half-king' of East 
Anglia. yEthelwin gladly offered Oswald a place for settle- 
ment, the offer was accepted, and with the greatest enthusi- 
asm the new abbey was begun, necessary buildings were 
erected and the brethren from Westbury took possession, 
joined by others eager for the same religious and educational 



I The king's interest is well shown in a charter of 969. Kemble, Cod. Dt'/.A.-S., 
III. 40. 



The Monastic Revival, 33 

advantages. Able teachers were invited to the abbey-school, 
among them Abbo of Fleury, later abbot in that monasteiy, 
and already a thorongh scholar. He came now to Eamsey and 
for two years gave instruction in Benedictine usages, to which 
he had been devoted from boyhood, and in the circle oi 
studies usually taught in the cloister-schools. Eamsey was a 
favorite foundation of Oswald's,' but he was instrumental in 
starting at least seven others. A few years later his sphere 
was made very broad by his appointment to the archbishopric 
of York (972-992). 

Thus in the last quarter of the tenth century, many op- 
portunities for education were offered to the English. These 
were most numerous in the midland districts, where were 
Abingdon, Worcester, Eamsey, Ely, Thorney, Peterborough, 
and others only less well-known. Of the schools in the south, 
Glastonbury and Winchester were the most famous. At that 
time' says AA^harton, 'almost none were held worthy to preside 
over monasteries or churches unless they had come from the 
schools of Dunstan, ^thelwold or Oswald,' and 'almost every 
one of the English bishops and abbots, from the beginning 
of Edgar's reign (959) till about 1000 A. D. were chosen 
from the three monasteries of Abingdon, Glastonbury, and 
AVinchester.' ^Elfric, who added to his name and title the 
words, 'alumnus of Winchester,' felt, no doubt, something of 
the same satisfaction in belonging to such a school, that a 
modern Englishman feels in his connection with one of the 
great English universities. 

The later history of this movement is involved in the po- 
litical history of the times. After Edgar's death at the early 
age of thirty-two, politics became confused, and the scanty 
records do far too little to unravel the tangled threads. The 
monkish historians relate much that is true but tell their 
stor}' from a partisan standpoint. Fortunately the history 



I ' Oswald stood in the place of abbot, and there was no Abbot of Ramsey as long as he 
lived.' Robertson, p. 182. 



34 The Monastic Revival. 

of the work of the three leaders can be determined with toler- 
able certainty. Oswald during the thirty years of his activity 
exerted a strong and elevating influence through Middle Eng- 
land, and in the North where civilizing and educating forces 
were most needed. Dunstan's work in founding monasteries 
has been by some writers under-rated, perhaps in part because 
he showed a conciliatory policy in his dealings with the secu- 
lar clergy. But the new foundations owed to him much more 
than a passive consent. We read that in the work of refonn 
'the king constajitly used the advice of Dunstan.' " ^Ifric, 
his contemporary, speaks of him in reference to the same re- 
forms as 'Dnnstan the Resolute,' and adds: 'Dunstan and 
^thelwold were chosen of God, and they most of all exhorted 
men to do God's will, and advanced everything good to the 
pleasure of God.' ^ The constructive hand of ^thelwold 
seems to have done more than anything else to organize and 
give efficiency to the labors of all three. As their personal 
influence waned, efforts were made to undo the results of 
their work. But such efforts met with only partial success 
because these men had left behind them piipils imbued Avith 
the love of order, of learning and of religion. It was these 
disciples who preserved through the long troublous period 
of internal dissension and foreign conquests, the continu- 
ous chain of English culture. 



1 Leechdoms. Wortcunning^ etc. III. 440. 

2 Lives 0/ the Saints, I. 470. 



CHAPTER II. 

iELFRIC AT WINCHESTER. 

Among the students in the Old Monastery of AVinchester, 
probabiy in the early seventies of the tenth century, was the 
youth -^Ifric, afterwards the writer. His silence about 
Abingdon is sufficient proof that he was not one of the monks 
who came thence to ^thelwold in 964, and had he been at 
Winchester in the early years of ^thelwold's bishopric he 
would not have omitted from the life of his teacher the ac- 
count of the building and dedication of the new church, the 
story which Wulfstan, an eyewitness, has supplied in his re- 
vision of ^Ifric's biogi'aphy. What we know about iElfric 
seems to point to a younger man than the first monks of the 
Old Minster. 

There is found in his writings no trace of his early home 
and parentage. It can hardly be doubted that he was a 
Wessex boy, and born not far from the middle of the century. 
The first date in his life that can be fixed with certainty is 
987, when he was sent by Bishop Alphege to the newly- 
founded abbey of Cernel. At that time by his own account 
he was a priest, and as it is not probable that he would have 
been sent on such an errand if Just ordained, it is reasonable 
to place the ordination yet earlier. If it were two years be- 
fore, at the age of thirty, the inferior limit for entering the 
priesthood, he was born in 955, and this date or one within 
the few previous years is doubtless correct. The view which 
places his birth as early as this is confirmed by his repeated 
praises of the reign of Edgar as a most blessed time for the 
nation and the church, a time whose fortunate conditions he 
himself had experienced and appreciated. Thus he says in 
a homily, 'We can remember well how happy we were when 
this island dwelt in peace, and abbeys were held in honor, and 



36 ^Ifric at Winchester. 

the laity were prepared against their foes, so that our word 
spread far and wide over this land/' 

He seems to have belonged to a middle class of society. 
That he was not of high biiih is inferred from the fact that 
he remained simply a priest until at least his fiftieth year. 
At that time the high offices of the church were almost ex- 
clusively filled by men of the upper class, and it can hardly 
be doubted that such a man as yElfric would have been 
recognized by some promotion if his rank had corresponded 
to his ability and attainments. But, on the other hand, 
the absence of all servility toward those of high family or 
dignity, the independence of spirit joined with humility, that 
he maintained in intercourse with people of different ranks, 
lay and ecclesiastical, indicates that he was not of mean origin. 
He was not a child when he came to Winchester, and his so- 
cial bearing was probably determined, as in most cases, by 
his earlier associations. So far as we know, none of those 
who have sought to indentify him with ^Ifric of Canterbury, 
have found anything in his character inconsistent with the 
high birth ascribed to that archbishop. 

He had already received some training in books before he 
entered the school at Winchester, for he speaks in his preface 
to G-enesis of a certain half educated man who was his 
teacher. 'This teacher,' he says, 'a mass-priest, had the book 
of Genesis, and was able to understand some Latin, but he 
did not know the great difference between the Old Law and 
the Kew, nor did I at that time.' To the youth eager for 
knowledge, and with a deep sense of its practical value, the 
entrance to the Old Minster must have seemed the height of 
privilege. We can not fix the date of his arrival. He says 
only that he lived in ^thelwold's school 'many years,'" and 
as ^thelwold died in 984, it is not unlikely that he came 
there as early as 972, when he was about seventeen years old. 
Outwardly at Winchester there was much to attract the eye 



1 Sermon On the Prayer of Moses, Lives oj" Saints, I., 294. 

2 Preface to Extracts from ^thel wold's De Consuetudine. See ch. XIII. 



^Ifric at Winchester. 37 

in the days when he hegan his life there. The splendid new 
church of ^thelwold was dedicated in 971, perhaps just be- 
fore his axrival. The bishop himself had planned this build- 
ing, and lie and his monks had carefully watched its progress. 
His biographer says: '^thelwold was a great builder, both 
when he was abbot and after he became bishop.' This cathe- 
dral was consecrated with impressive ceremonies in the pres- 
ence of the King and Archbishop Dunstan, and its consecra- 
tion was made memorable by the removal of the bones of 
Bishop Swithun — bishop of Winchester when King Alfred 
was a boy — from a grave outside of the church to a new 
tomb by the high altar. Many years after ^Ifric wrote the 
story of the removal of the saint's bones to the church, and 
the miracles that followed. This very entertaining narrative, 
derived in part from the life of Swithun by Landferth,^ and 
in part from the writer's personal knowledge, is full of details 
that throw light upon the history of the monastery in the 
days when ^Ifric lived there. It shows the credulous spirit 
of the age, and how fully ^thelwold shared this; it tells how 
the secular canons who had been expelled shunned ^thel- 
wold and the monks in the minster, and makes it clear that 



I Who Landferth was, is uncertain. .^Ifric in his story of St. Swithun gives a long 
account of a miracle which, he says, was related to Bishop jEthelwold by the person to 
whom it happened, and was set down in writing by ' Landferth the foreigner.' The 
few years that followed the removal of Swithun's bones to the new church were not far 
from the time when Oswald sent for Abbo of Fleury to Ramsey, and gathered, it is said 
in his biography, teachers from various places. Landferth may have come to England at 
about the same time from a Flemish 'monastery. Two fragments of a Latin history of 
Swithun's miracles which are closely related to ^Ifric's homily, are extant (Acta S. July 
2. 292-299), but (see Ott's dissertation, p. 47 f.) neither of them can have been just the 
form from which MUric translated the parts not original with him. ^Ifric's words in the 
preface of the Saints' Lives do not permit us to believe that he wrote the homily without 
an original before him. Otherwise we should ask the question : may not these frag- 
ments ascribed to Landferth be Latin re-workings of jElfric's homily, aided by sources 
not now ascertainable ? According to his custom, ^Ifric probably added something of his 
own ; thus, as Ott suggests, 11. 443-463. Whatever is true as to the authorship, it is im- 
possible to believe that ^Ifric lived ' many years ' at Winchester in JSthelwold's school, 
and did not know all about these stories ; and did not sing with the brethren, as the author 
of this homily says that he often did; and did not see the Old Minster hung round with 
the crutches and stools of the many who had been healed. Therefore it seems to us 
justifiable to use as his own the words of the homily which we have quoted in this 
chapter. 



38 ^Ifric at Winchester. 

the reforming party in the chnrch was gaining the upper 
hand. 

During the early years of ^Ifric's hfe at Winchester, when 
Edgar was king/ many reports, no doubt, came to the monks 
and the young students of the king's kindness to the monas- 
teries, and well they remembered it all in the dark days that 
followed, for never while they lived did such prosperity come 
again to England. In after years, recalling his life at St. 
Swithun's, yElfrie writes: 'That time was blessed and happy 
in England when King Edgar furthered Christianity and 
built many monasteries, and his kingdom dwelt in peace so 
that we heard of no warlike fleet except that of our own peo- 
ple who held this land. Then moreover such wonders were 
wrought through St. Swithun as we have already spoken of, 
and as long as we lived there (?) miracles often happened." 

In coming to Winchester, ^Ifric entered no newly-founded 
school and church. Eor more than three hundred years the 
site of ^thelwold's cathedral had been devoted to the service 
of God. ^Ifric, whose writings show a strong historic sense 
of proportion, and a reverence for the good received from the 
past, could not have been indifferent to the associations con- 
nected with this ' ''Sanctuary of the house of Cerdic," and 
minster of the West Saxons.' A hundred years after ^thel- 
wold's death, the Normans rebuilt his church upon a site 
close at hand, transferring St. Swithun's bones to the new 
choir. To-day as we stand in the choir of Winchester cathe- 
dral, it is not difficult to carry the thought back nine hundred 
years to the days when ^Ifric sang there hymns to God in 
praise of great St. Swithun. Does it not say on the chest 
just before us, raised upon the choir-screen, 'in this tomb rests 
pious King Eadred, who nobly governed this land of Briton, 
and died A. D. 955'? and on the next chest, 'King Edmund, 
died A. D. 946'? ^Ifric saw their tombs, then in the 
crypt, for Eadred was the king who sent ^thelwold to Abing- 



1 The quotation from the sermon On the Prayer oy Moses, implies that he was in the 
monastery during Edgar's reign; See p. 36. 

2 And swa lange swa we leofodon Paer wurdon gelome wundra. Lives 0/ Saints, I, 468. 



^Ifric at Winchester, 39 

don, and died about the time of ^Ifric's birth, and Edmund 
was the father of King Edgar. St. Swithun's bones rested 
in peace until scattered in the sixteenth centuiy. But in 
Edgar's time, and for long after, they were the great attrac- 
tion of the church. ^Ifrie tells us that by the virtue of this 
saint so many ^vere healed that 'the burial-ground lay filled 
with crippled folk, so that people could hardly get into the 
minster;' and that 'the Old Minster was hung all round with 
crutches, and the stools of cripples who had been healed 
there, from one end of the church to the other on both walls, 
and yet they could not put up half of them.' 

In this minster zElfric found a well-established school 
taught by Benedictines, and closely connected with the im- 
portant cathedral. This was no time of decline and abuse of 
monastic customs. A strong hand and exact discipline ruled 
the daily life of every person who dwelt in this establishment. 
Every hour of the day Avas provided with its special duty. 
yEthelwold had taken care that his monks should know the 
Eule, and for those who could read Latin the manuscripts 
containing the laws which regulated their life were at hand. 
It was to serve the needs of those who could read only Eng- 
lish that, probably about the time of yElfric's coming, say 
972-975, the Bishop translated the Eule.' In this orderly, 
busy life iElfric peTfomied the duties of the lower orders of 
the clergy, took part in the menial services, and learned his 
daily tasks in the studies prescribed. The acquisition of 
book-leaxning was of the greatest consequence in a Bene- 
dictine house. There are many proofs of it in regard to this 
one. Here at Winchester much inspiration came from the 
Bishop himself, and though his state and ecclesiastical duties 
called him, perhaps daily, to the king's side at Wolvesey 
Palace, and often to other parts of England, his influence did 



1 ' This English translation is a necessity for unlearned secular men, who for fear of 
nell penalty and for love of Christ, quit this miserable life and turn unto their Lord, and 
choose the holy service of this Rule.' From tract appended to ^thelwold's translation. 
Seech. XIII. 



40 yElfric at Winchester. 

not fail to be felt in the school. He must occaisionally have 
shared the duties of teaching, for ^Ifric writes: 'It was al- 
ways sweet to him to teach children and youth, both by ex- 
plaining books to them in English, and by exhorting them 
with pleasant words to better things. It is for this reason 
that it has happened that very many of his disciples have be- 
come abbots and bishops among the English.' Thus ^thel- 
wold's pupils were allured by sweet words and winning ways, 
and ^Ifric gained much incentive from association with 
such a teacher and such disciples. 

A literary atmosphere belonged by tradition and in fact to 
the Old Minster. In the scriptorium which had been 
founded by Swithun in ^thelwulf's reign, writing, translat- 
ing and the illumination of books, flourished under ^thel- 
wold. Here, not long before yElfric came, Godemann, one of 
the monks, made a beautiful illuminated Benedictional for the 
bishop's use.* Here too was prepared a little before ^thel- 
wold's death, the 'Tropary of Ethelred,' a MS. compiled for 
use with ^thelwold's new organ, which Ogives, in the musical 
notation of the period, the actual cadences and tones used in 
the services of St. Swithun's in the tenth century.' ^Ifric 
in his schooldays, and in the time of his novitiate, was accus- 
tomed to watch the progress of such work as done by others, 
and since in the abbeys there was always a place assigned for 
the younger members, he was doubtless learning here to work 
on manuscripts, perhaps to illuminate them, certainly to 
write them in Latin and in English. 

The ideal of the Benedictine monastery was that of a home, 
and its Bule provided for the strong and the weak, the edu- 
cated and the ignorant. It was intended that under this 
Rule men should gTow more manly and self-controlled, and 
more efficient in God's work in the world; and so they did 



I ' This gorgeously illuminated MS. is a folio volume of vellum iiJS4 in. by 8J< in. con- 
taining 119 leaves. It contains thirty illuminations, and thirteen other pages surrounded 
with profusely ornamented borders. It is written in a clear Roman hand, the capitals 
being in gold, alternate lines in gold, red and black sometimes occurring on the same 
page.' This is now the property of the Duke of Devonshire. It is reproduced in 
Archceologia^ XXIV. 



^Ifric at Winchester. 41 

when it was rightly administered. Unlike some forms of 
monachism, it sought to regulate more than to repress. St. 
Benedict recognized human nature in the foundation of the 
system. One cannot read ^]lfric's Colloquium, which he 
wrote afterwards for boys who were living in a monastery Just 
as he did at Winchester, without seeing that the cloister- 
youths lived a happy life, much the same as in any well-regu- 
lated school. If the requirements seem to us at first strict 
and severe, a little consideration somewhat modifies that view. 
That yElfric could write such a dialogue shows that he had 
sympathy with the spirit of play natural to boyhood, and 
that the play-spirit was not altogether banished from the 
monastery. Plenty of it we know there was, for every cathe- 
dral has expressed it in the grotesque carvings of gargoyle or 
choir-stall, and such can not have been its only form of ex- 
pression. The Colloquium has this interest for us at this 
point, that it has something to tell of ^Ifric^s own life at 
Winchester, for can we doubt that when he describes the way 
a boy spends his day in the monastery, he is recording one of 
his own days? It is a very simple narrative written for a 
different purpose, and leaving the gaps for us to fill in from 
other sources. This cloister-boy is asked how he has spent 
the day. From his replies are gathered these details of its 
author's life. He slept, he says, in the dormitory with the 
brethren, and at the sound of the bell arose and went with 
them to sing matins in the church. The drowsy boy would 
sometimes miss the signal that called him up thus at three 
o'clock in the morning, and so in the dialogue he answers 
just as might be expected, "^Sometimes I hear the bell and 
arise, and sometimes the master awakens me sharply with the 
rod.' At six o'clock he went to church to sing the service of 
prime, with its seven psalms and the litany and early mass. 
About nine he sang again the service of mass, and yet again 
at mid-day. After that came their first meal, and it is hardly 
to be wondered at that the boy says, 'I eat with great thank- 
fulness vegetables, eggs, fish, cheese, butter, beans and all 



42 ^Ifrie at Winchester. 

clean things.' But lie adds that he does not have all these 
things at one meal. As to drink, he has ale if there is any, 
if not, water, but wine he says he is not rich enough to buy, 
and besides, Svine is not the drink for boys, but for their 
elders.' According to their custom a reader was appointed 
each week to edify the monks while they were at their meals, 
and the readers were appointed according to their ability as 
such. Good sense marks the details of the Benedictine life. So 
of the reader of the week the Rule says, 'Let him not take the 
book suddenly and begin to read there without any considera- 
tion.' Some preparation for the task was required. The 
Rule says further, 'If they who are eating or drinking have 
need of anything, let them ask for it by a sign and not speak 
with the voice.' ' After this midday meal, there was a chance 
for a nap, though not for a very long one. One might read if 
he would, but no one must make any noise to disturb the 
others who wished to sleep. At two they sang the service of 
none, and after that came a lesson hour, with study or recita- 
tion or instruction by the master. At four o'clock was the 
vesper service, and at seven the last of the canonical services 
of the day. In vElfric's dialogue, from which we have been 
quoting, the master asks the boy: 'Have you been punished 
to-day? and the boy answers, 'No, for I have been very care- 
ful;' and then comes the question: 'And how about your com- 
rades?' to which the reply is, 'Why do you ask me about that? 
I do not dare to tell you our secrets. Each one knows whether 
or not he has been whipped.' Such an answer betrays no ser- 
vile fear of his superior who asks the question. Yet it is 
plain that these youths had to walk warily, and to be strictly 
obedient. When the service bell rang there could be no 
lingering, but every one must drop whatever he had in hand 
and hasten to service, but hasten with circumspection, and 
not heedlessly, nor might he run and get out of breath, and 
if he were a little late he was not allowed to stand in his own 



See the Old English Bened. Rule; Grein, Bibliothek der A. S. Prosa, Part II., p. 62. 



^Ifric at Winchester. 43 

place in the choir, but 'last of all, or in that place apart which 
the ahbot has appointed for such careless ones.' ' It was 
when ^Ifric was at Winchester that St. Swithun's miracles 
laid extra duties on the monks, for ^thelwold had com- 
manded 'that as often as any sick one should be healed, the 
monks should go in procession to the church and sing the 
praises of the great saint.' This they did 'and sang the Te 
Deum sometimes three, sometimes four times in one night, 
and they began to be very reluctant to rise so often when 
they needed to sleep. At last they gave up the singing, for 
the bishop was all the time occupied with the king, and did 
not know that they were not singing the song of praise as 
before.' Then, the story says, the saint appeared in vision 
to a good man, and announced that if the monks ceased their 
praises the miracles would also cease. The dream was re- 
ported to ^thelwold, who 'immediately sent to the monks 
from the king's court, and bade that they should sing the 
Te Deum, and he that neglected it should atone for it by 
seven days fast.' 'Then always after that,' continues ^Ifric, 
'they observed the custom, as we ourselves have seen very 
often, and we have not seldom sung the hymn with them.' 

The period that followed the death of King Edgar (975) 
was a time of gi-eat anxiety for Bishop ^5^thelwold and Ms 
friends; with the removal of the king came a disputed suc- 
cession and a period of interregnum. ^Ifhere the powerful 
ealdorman of Mercia, who advocated the claim of Edward the 
elder son of Edgar, headed a party which sought to overthrow 
the monks. Florence of Worcester says that 'blinded by 
presents of value, ^Ifhere and many other nobles, expelled 
the monk:s from the monasteries, and introduced clerks and 
their wives.' This was in ^Elfhere's territory. But, besides 
this, he threatened to do the same in the diocese of Dorches- 
ter. On the other hand ^thelwin of East Anglia, the friend 
and patron of Oswald at Eamsey, who put forward claims for 



I Bibliothek der A. S. Prosa, II.j 67-8. 



44 ^Ifric at Winchester. 

^thelred the younger prince, was the head of a monastic 
party. He, with Brithnoth tlie ealdornian of Essex, after- 
wards the brave leader of Maldon,took arms 'and declared that 
they would not permit the monks who possessed all the relig- 
ion of the kingdom to be driven out of it.' ' Dunstan and 
Oswald, the two archbishops, stood by vElfhere in behalf of 
Edward, which shows how completely the question was a po- 
litical one in its motives-, for there can be no question that 
these two were friendly to the monasteries. But there was a 
strong faction in England in favor of clerical marriage, and 
this party, many of whom hated the moral life advocated by 
the reformers, was ready to use any opportunity to bring back 
the old condition of things. "When we remember that that con- 
dition was the one which had had sway for a hundred years or 
more, the strength of the opposition is not to be wondered 
at, and we see why .^Ifric, who believed that it was contrary 
to Christ's teaching for priests to marry, was forced to say in 
his pastoral letter for secular clergy, 'We can not compel you, 
but we exhort you to chastity/ Eobertson says upon this 
subject: 'The Anglian population of the diocese probably 
looked upon the monks as "new men;" for the secular canons 
were at this period members of the leading provincial fami- 
lies, and it had long been customary to fill the sees and min- 
sters Avith bishops and abbots who, in return, leased out the 
church lands among their kindred. To support the secular 
canons therefore, was to uphold "the time-honored customs 
of the past," and in his inroads upon the monks ^Ifhere 
may have been moved less by any inveterate hostility .to the 
Benedictine rule, than by a desire to re-establish the old 
provincial families of Anglian origin.' Yet whatever of 
right the secular clergy had on their side in this struggle, 
whether derived from the customs of the past, or from the in- 
herent reasonableness of their position in regard to marriage, 
its weight as an argument was counteracted by their general 



I Florence of Wor., Chron. p. io6. Bohn ed. FVeeman's Norman Conquest, I, 177-9. 



^Ifric at Winchester. 45 

disregard for religion and education, and by the shocking 
coarseness and immorality of their lives. It is probably this 
determined struggle on the part of professedly Christian men 
to maintain the existing conditions, instead of trying to re- 
form them, which leads one writer to say that 'the tenth cen- 
tury is perhaps the most repulsive in Christian annals/ ' The 
moral earnestness, so far as the records tell us, was all on the 
side of the reformers who favored monasticism. In this at- 
tempt to overthrow the monks, which was partially successful, 
^thelwold and his disciples at Winchester must have taken 
the keenest interest. We can reasonably trace the strength 
of yElfric's repeated insistence upon the celibacy of the 
priests to his life under ^thelwold in those years when party 
strife outside the monastery was waged upon that question, 
and when it must have seemed to the bishop and the monks 
that all the good to which they were devoting their lives was 
in danger of being destroyed. 

Eelieved from duties of the state by King Edgar's death, 
^thelwold devoted the later years of his life to the interests 
of his diocese and his abbey. For several years before his 
death the Danes were plundering and burning along the 
coasts, coming in 981 as near Winchester as Southampton, 
where they slew or took prisoners most of the- inhabitants. 
Worn-out by long ill-health, which for years he had borne 
with fortitude and cheerfulness, he died in 984. His office 
was given to Alphege, a man chosen by Dunstan in opposition 
to the clerical party, which attempted to regain control of the 
cathedral. Alphege had proved his devotion to the cause of 
the monasteries by a life of self-denial at the abbey of Deer- 
hurst, and later at Bath. His courageous defense of the in- 
terests of England and of the church, and his martyr death 
for their sakes, show his fitness to succeed the resolute monk 
and bishop, ^thelwold. 



I H. C. Lea, Hist, of Sacerdotal Celibacy, p. 147. 

4 



46 yElfric at Winchester. 

Of yElfric during these years we know nothing directly/ 
but when it appears that at the request of ^tlielmcer, a pow- 
erful thane of Dorset, Alphege selects ^Ifric for a mission 
to that new abbey, perhaps to organize its life and to estab- 
lish the Eule there, no doubt can be felt that he had already 
at Winchester proved his efficiency as a teacher, and his un- 
derstanding of the methods and aims of the Benedictine life. 



I Dietrich suggests that ^Ifric was a dean at Winchester. He draws the idea from a 
letter in Cod. Dip. A.-S. IV, 261. We are not warranted in accepting it unless we can 
show that ^Ifric was an older man than he appears to have been. See Dietrich, pp. 245-6. 



CHAPTER III. 
AT THE ABBEY OF CERNEL. 

An old tradition of CerneP in Dorset relates that Augus- 
tine, the first missionary to the English (597-604), converted 
the people of that neighborhood, gave the place its name, and 
when it was time to baptize the converts caused the needed 
water to spring forth from the rock at the very place where 
the well is pointed out, even at the present day (1898). This 
story, which is told by William of Malmesbury, is doubtful in 
all of its details, and Augustine probably never visited that 
region. A later tradition makes Cemel and St. Augustine's 
well tlie scene of the hermitage of Eadwold, brother of Ed- 
mund, the king of the East Anglians who was murdered by 
the Danes (870). This tradition, though somewhat obscure, 
has perhaps a basis of fact. The third important event con- 
nected with this place, the founding of the abbey of Cemel, 
is well authenticated by the foundation charter of King 
iEthelred, which is still preserved." This abbey, said to 
have been begun in Edgar's reign (959-975), and as a me- 
morial of the pious Eadwold, was finished in 987, and dedi- 
cated by its founder, yEthelmasr, to St. Mary, St. Peter, and 
St. Benedict. 

This ^thelnifpr, and his father, ^thelweard, are so closely 
connected with the life of ^Ifric that it is wor-th while to say 
something here of their character and position in the Eng- 
land of that day. ^thelweard the ealdorman, there is no good 
reason to doubt, is that ealdorman whose name appears as such 
in many lists of witnesses attesting charters from 975 to 998. ^ 



1 Now Cerne Abbas, five miles north of Dorchester. 

2 Dugdale, Monasticon. II. 621; Kemble, Cod. Dip. A.-S. III. 224. 

3 ^Ifric's friend jEthelweard was ealdorman in ggo or 991, when the first volume of 
Catholic Homilies was issued; according to the signatures of charters given by Kemble, but 
one man of that name was 'dux' from 975-99S; hence the identification. This is also 
emphasized by the fact that ^thelweard signs himself 'Occidentalium Provinciarum dux' 
(Cod. Dip. A.-S. III. 304), showing that he was ealdorman of the province in which were 
situated Cernel Abbey and several ancestral estates of ^Ifric's friend, yEthelma;r. 



48 At the Abbey of Cernel. 

The office of ealdorman dated from an early time in West 
Saxon history, and in the tenth century it had become of ex- 
ceptional influence and importance. The man who held it was 
the king's representative in the district over which he pre- 
sided, and in case of war he led the king's forces as 'heretoga' 
(in the charters he signs as 'dux'). At the time of which we 
speak, all of the different ealdormanries were held by kins- 
men of the king, by whose influence, as centralization was far 
from complete, he strengthened his power in the different 
provinces of his kingdom. "When the king was a man of wis- 
dom and ability he controlled the ealdormen, but if he was 
weak or foolish their power worked for disunion and against 
the national cause. We have seen how, upon the death of 
Edgar, the great ealdormen worked against each other, seek- 
ing partisan ends.^ 

The district in which ^thelweard was ealdorman included 
probably Devon, Somerset and Dorset; and the lands in Dor- 
set which ^thelmger gave to Cernel Abbey were a part of the 
heritage of his family, whose estates lay in that region." 
^thelweard is known as the author of a Latin chronicle of 
Saxon history, which ends with the death of King Edgar. 
It is written in a pompous style and in very faulty Latin, ' 



1 For discussion of the position and power of the ealdorman, see Freeman, Nor. Cong. 
5i"53i 79i 392-394, 420-423; Green, Cong. 0/ Eng. Ch. VII.; Robertson, Hist. Essays., The 
King's Kin; Bosworth-Toller, A.-S. Die. p. 229. For map of England under the ealdor- 
men, see Green, Cong. 0/ Eng: p. 302. 

2 Of the lands given by ^thelmser to the abbeys of Cernel and Eynsham, Dietrich 
writes as follows : ' I have not spared pains to establish the identity of the places accord- 
ing to their shires, and the labor has been almost entirely successful, ^thelmaer's earliest 
home and his paternal estates at Cernel and Chesselborne were in Dorset. He gave the 
income of over thirty hides of land there to Cernel Abbey. His whole estate amounted 
to far above ninety hides.' ' Twelve hides assured the dignity of a great thane.' ' The 
lands with which he endowed the monastery of Eynsham lay for the most part in War- 
wickshire.' 

3 This identification of the author of the Chronicle is so nearly certain that it is here 
stated as a fact. jEthelweard the author of the Chronicle was a descendant of King Alfred's 
brother ^thelred. He calls himself ' Patricius Consul.' ' The title Patricius seems to 
have been given in the eight century to the leading official in the Northumbrian kingdom, 
ranking next to the sovereign, and it may have been applied at the period when ^thel- 
weard wrote to the senior ealdorman,' which the ^thelweard of the charters was from 903 
till his death, since his signature precedes those of all other ealdormen. (See Robertson's 
essay, The King's Kin; Green, Cong. 0/ Eng. p. 49). 



At the Abbey of Cernel. 49 

and tells little that is not known by other means. But in an 
age when noblemen left learning to the clergy, such a work 
testifies to a taste for books, and this agrees well with what we 
know of ^thelweard in connection with ^Ifric. 

There are traditions which ascribe the founding of Cernel 
Abbey to ^thelweard. These, though false by the letter of 
the foundation charter, have this basis in fact, that ^thel- 
mfer had received from his father estates with which he en- 
dowed the abbey, and that the father was in accord with the 
son in this enterprise.^ Probably this was not the first under- 
taking of the kind on ^thelweard's part. The restoration 
of Pershore Abbey in Worcestershire by his means is noted 
by William of Malmesbury. This points back to the great 
assembly held by Oswald, probably at Winchester, when King 
Edgar decreed the establishment of many new monasteries. ' 
yEthelweard, not yet an ealdorman, was perhaps present and 
received at that time the strong impulse which led to the two 
foundations of Pershore and Cernel.' 

^thelmser, the son, is mentioned as Earl of Cornwall and 
Devon, and by the Saxon Chronicle as ^thelmser the Great. 
In some way he was nearly related to the ealdorman Brith- 
noth of Essex. Cockayne speaks of ^thelweard as the son- 
in-law of Brithnoth. ■* Evidences of the connection will be 
mentioned later. 

a In the foundation charter of Cernel, ^thelmaer says: ' Tribui ilium locum qui vulgo 
Cernel nuncupatur, cum possessionibus quas ego ei subjugo cuncticreanti dec ad alrai 
onomatis ejus laudem, et ad honorem Sanctae Marie . . . . , ac sancti Petri . . . 
. , necnon et sancti Benedicti, pro meo carissimo hero basileo ^Selredo, et pro meme- 
tipso, necnon et pro dilecta mihi animula mei genitoris, et redemptione meorum praece- 
dentium patrum, qui propria coUa sponte fidei christianae subdiderunt suarura possessionum 
me haeredem baud ingratum relinquentes.' From the words used here in reference to his 
father, Mores and some others have inferred that jEthelweard was dead. The word 'ani- 
mula ' was used as a term of affection or contempt, here with dilecta as the former. Had 
the father been dead jEthelmaer would doubtless have used the term ' redemptione ' in 
respect to him, as well as in respect to his other ancestors. The jEthelweard who was 'dux' 
or ealdorman of just that part of England; who was constantly associated with ^thel- 
maer in -(Elfric's writings; who describes himself as a descendant of King ^Ethelwulf ; can- 
not be other than the father of ^thehtijer. For the genealogy of this family, see Robert- 
son, Hist. Essays, p. 190. 

2 See p 32. 

3 An ^thelweard, a thane, is a witness of charters at about that time. 

4 Leeckdoms, Woricunning; etc. Ill, p. XXIII. 



50 At the Abbey of Cernel. 

After 3'ears of preparation and delay the new monastery 
was ready for nse, and in the year of its dedication, we may 
believe, ^Ifric went thither from Winchester. It has some- 
times been said that he was the first abbot of Cernel/ This 
cannot be true, for there are many years after tliis before he 
speaks of himself as abbot. The idea is based only upon his 
statement that he was sent there at ^thelmser's request. It 
is worthy of notice that the first impulse to his great work of 
teaching the English laity came to him when he was sent on 
a special mission of instruction to Benedictine monks. Up 
to this time, responsible to the bishop and the prior of his 
abbey, he had lived a student life, teaching in the Old Min- 
ster the boys who in their turn were to be monastic or secu- 
lar clergy. Now, since his aptitude as a teacher, and his 
breadth of attainment according to the standard of his time, 
had been well proved, he was sent forth by the bishop, and 
came into a relation of responsibility with two laymen, the 
patrons of the abbey, and his position there, there is good 
reason to believe, was still that of a teacher. Just as Abbo' of 
rieury was summoned by Oswald to Ramsey to teach, so 
^Ifric was summoned to Cernel. And now, in these new 
surroundings, all that he had gained by many years of 
study assumed a new value in his eyes; he thought of the 
uses to which it could be put, and he longed to share it with 
his people. They could not read the Latin books that he 
read, but it was possible for him to translate them into Eng- 
lish. Conscious of his own limitations, and well aware that 
some were better educated than he, he yet knew of no one 
who was ready to undertake the task. 'The people,' he said, 
'have no books that teach in their own language the truth of 
God, save those that King Alfred translated. There are in- 
deed many English books that teach error, and the unlearned 
in their simplicity esteem them great wisdom.' What were 
the many heretical books to which he referred? It has been 
suggested that they were the Old English poets, such writings 

I Thus, Dugdale, Monasticon, II. 622. 



At the Abbey of Cernel. 51 

as those of Cynewulf.^ Did ^Ifric know these poems? We 
find no certain proof of it, although he knew metrical writ- 
ings in English. He would not have called the poems as- 
cribed to Cfedmon heresy, nor the Judith, and probably not 
those of Cynewulf. He might have disapproved of secular 
poems as foolish or trivial, but scarcely as heretical. That 
age was not one of fine doctrinal distinctions, nor noted for 
theological controversy. The false doctrines probably had to 
do with matters of practice. Why should not the common 
custom of clerical marriage have called forth writings in its 
defense?' ^Ifric was accustomed to hear arguments in its 
favor, for he often quotes them and tries to refute them. 
It is not likely that the books of which he speaks, suiwive to 
the present day. The literature of that time has been chiefly 
preserved by transcription of the monks, who had no interest 
in writing anything contrary to their own teachings, and who 
did not think of saviiLg the doctrines of their opponents in 
order to furnish historical data for generations to come. 

But whatever heresy ^Ifric washed to oppose, his object 
Avas not controversial. He saw before him manuscript-writ- 
ings esteemed by all the Christian Chnrch, and yet inaccessi- 
ble to those who needed them most. Writing of this many 
Tears after, he looked back to the moment in which he first 
thought of making his translation as one in which he received 
the suggestion of God. He accepted it as such, and in the 
intervals of his daily duties began the new task, the prepara- 
tion of a volume of English sermons from the Latin church- 
fathers. Doubtless he consulted his abbot or prior; it ap- 
pears that ^thelweard and ^thelmeer also knew of the 
translation, for when the forty homilies were placed together 

1 By Dietrich. 'What can the misleading books have been for which the unlearned, 
the worldlings, cared so much, if not poetry ? The abbey of Cernel was under the bishop 
of Sherborne, and near Crediton. From this region may have come the precious manu- 
scripts of Old English poems (the Exeter Codex) which soon after Leofric, Bishop of Cre- 
diton from 1046, afterwards of Exeter and Cornwall, bequeathed to his cathedral of 
Exeter.' 

2 The words of his preface to Genesis imply that there were some who held that the 
Bible taught that a man might have more than one wife. Such belief can hardly have 
been common. See Pref. to Gen. p. 22: ' Hwilon .... p sere ni wan.' 



52 At the Abbey of Cernel. 

in a volume, ^^thelweard asked that he might have forty-four 
in the copy which he had ordered for his own use. As lay- 
men, unhampered by the prejudices of the clergy, these men 
would take a special interest in the work of translation into 
English. As kindred of King Alfred, they would be follow- 
ing the traditions of their family when they encouraged it. ^ 

Wliether ^Ifric was acquainted with these noblemen be- 
fore he came to C^ernel is not known. Unquestionably he 
knew them well by report. In the preface to his first volume 
of homilies he speaks of iEthelmfer as 'the thane whose birth 
and goodness are known everywhere.' As ^thelweard's 
ofiicial duties had called him often to the king's court, he had 
certainly been acquainted with ^thelwold, and he had been 
for many years interested in the good that the monks were 
doing: all this affords strong presumption that ^Ifric had 
already made his acquaintance in the Old Minster. However 
this may be, ^thelweard had now recognized ^Ifric's ability, 
and so long as he lived stood always ready to urge him to 
new undertakings. 

It accords with ^Ifric's respect for authority that he 
should desire for his completed volume the amendment or ap- 
proval of the Archbishop of Canterbury. Sigeric, to whom it 
was dedicated, assumed that office in 990. We may conclude 
that the translation was finished by that year or the next, for 
before Sigerie's death, in October, 994, ^Ifric was to com- 
plete yet another volume, and to dedicate that also to the 
archbishop. 

The questions must be considered, did ^Ifric go back to 
Winchester? or go elsewhere? or remain at Cernel? The 
first positive statement as to his place of abode after this 
comes many years later, when he writes as abbot. We are 
thus left to conjecture, but not without many indications that 
enable us to decide what is the probable truth. The proba- 
bility, so strong as to amount almost to certainty, is that he 

I yEIfric was not the only translator whom ^thelweard incited to such work. See 
^Ifric's preface to Genesis, Bibl. A.-S. Prosa, I. 22. 



At the Abbey of Cernel 53 

remained at Cernel. So long as iEthelweard lived, that is, 
till near the close of the century, ^Ifric was in close rela- 
tions with him, writing for him and for ^Ethelmser even 
when his own desires would deter him from it. This agrees 
with the service of a monk, who, while in a sense independent 
of laymen, was yet bound by ties of friendship and of obliga- 
tion to the patrons of the abbey where he lived. Again, we 
find him some ten years later (probably about 998) commis- 
sioned by the bishop of the diocese in which Cernel lies, to 
write for him a pastoral letter to his clergy. Still further, we 
shall see that when next we can positively fix upon the place 
of his abode, he is living in another monastery in another 
part of England, but this time also in a monastery founded 
by ^thelmser. Thus there is good reason to believe that he 
continued quietly teaching and writing at Cernel until 
another foundation of ^thelmaer's called him to follow his 
friend to that place. The tone in which he viTites his life of 
^thelwold is a very strong argument against his return to 
"Winchester for anything more than brief visits. Nor does 
there appear any reason to think that he went elsewhere. 
The negative argument speaks against it, and it is not to be 
lost sight of that it was the needs of the Dorset people which 
first deeply moved him to undertake the work of a translator. 
Those needs must still have called forth his interest and sym- 
pathy; his patrons certainly desired his presence and his ser- 
vices, and their wealth would provide for the library such 
books as he needed for his literary work. This quiet life in 
an obscure abbey during the period of his greatest literary 
activity, and in another abbey equally obscure during his de- 
clining years, explains, in part, at least, the mystery which has 
hidden his identity down to the present day. 

We see then our monk living, as at Winchester, according 
to the Rule of St. Benedict, teaching young boys the elemen- 
tary studies of a monastic school, instructing the monk:s in 
those more advanced, preaching sometimes in the parish 
church that belonged to the estates of ^thelmasr, and full of 



54 At the Abbey of Cernel. 

interest in the people, and in his work as teacher and trans- 
lator. 

The first volmne of homilies was completed and forwarded 
to the Archbishop. Its teachings must have pleased Sigeric, 
for he praised the work, and ^Ifric promised to write a 
second. It may have been at this time, between the two vol- 
umes of homilies, that he translated the Be Temporihiis from 
Bede's scientific writings.^ The years 991 to 994, the period 
in which the second volnme of homilies was translated, were 
full of distress to the English people. In the first year (991), 
Brithnoth the ealdorman was slain at Maldon, and by counsel 
of Archbishop Sigeric, and of the ealdormen, ^thelweard and 
^Ifric, the first Danegelt of ten thousand pounds bought off 
the invaders.'' The next year (992) died Oswald the arch- 
bishop, and ^thelwin of East Anglia. ^Ifric the ealdor- 
man of Mercia, the son of ^Ifhere, proved a traitor and tried 
to thwart the attempts of the English to overcome the Danes 
by battle. In 993, great evil was done to the northeast of 
England; Bamborough was captured and plundered. 'Then 
when a great army was gathered together against the enemy, 
the English leaders set the example of flight.' In 994 the 
kings of Norway and Denmark besieged London, and when 
turned aside by the citizens, 'they went thence,' the Chronicle 
says, 'and wrought the utmost evil that ever any army could 
do, by burning and plundering, and slaying of the people, 
both along the sea-coast and among the East Saxons, and in 
Kent, and in Sussex, and in Hampshire. And at last they 
took to themselves horses, and rode as far as they woidd, and 
continued doing unspeakable evil. Then the king and his 
council decreed that tribute and food should be given them 
if they Avould cease from their plunderings.' 'And all the 
(Danish) army came to Southampton and took up winter- 

1 He speaks of the Sainis^ Lives as his fourth work. We should expect him to call it 
the fifth if the De Temporibzis were already translated. Possibly at that time he retained 
that in the monastery for the use of his monk?, and did not consider it as one of his pub- 
lished books. 

2 Florence of Worcester, Chronicle, and the Sa.vo?i Chronicle, 992. 



At the Ahhey of Cernel. bb 

quarters; and there they were victualled from all the realm 
of the West Saxons, and were paid sixteen thousand pounds 
of money. And the king sent Bishop Alphege and ^thel- 
weard the ealdorman, to Olave (the Korwegian king) and they 
brought Olave to the king at Andover,' ""and he made a cove- 
nant with the king that he would never again come as an 
enemy against the English nation.' 

These were the circumstances of anxiety under which 
yElfric translated the second volume of the Catholic Homilies. 
and in the preface he says to the archbishop: 'With sorrowful 
mind, distressed hy the many evils received from wicked 
pirates, we have, lest we should be found a false promiser, 
completed this book' The date of this volume can not be 
placed later than 994, because of its dedication to Sigeric, nor 
would the labor necessary for its completion allow the date to 
be fixed much earlier. The reference just quoted from ^1- 
fric makes it almost certain that it was finished in that terri- 
ble year, whose horrors are sufficiently indicated by the words 
of the Saxon Chronicle given above. 

yElfric, like his contemporaries, believed that the end of 
the world was near at hand But instead of making this an 
excuse for inaction, he found in it an incentive to labor. 
Speaking of his first translation, he wrote: 'I undertook this IiT 
task because men have need of good instruction, especially at 
this time, which is the ending of this world.' 'There will be 
ma.ny calamities among mankind before the end cometh.' 
'Everyone may more easily withstand the future temptation, 
through God's help, if he is strengthened by book-learning.' 

His next work was of a different character, and reminds us 
that ^Ifric was a teacher of children as well as of older peo- 
ple. He Avas probably not the first, as he is certainly not the 
last, of the teachers whom practical experience has induced 
to make a text-book; but, so far as we know, his Grammar is 
the first of book of this kind in English. The prefaces tell 
us that the book is designed for children, and give the 



56 At the Abbey of Cernel. 

author's reasons for writing it. He is aware that his book will 
be looked upon as a foolish innovation. Men have learned 
Latin for hundreds of years without any such book, and why 
not now as well? But ^Ifric's practical experience as a stu- 
dent and as a teacher taught him the wisdom of adapting 
his work to the child's mind; he would answer his objectors, 
but he would not be guided by them. 'Whence/ he says, 'are 
to come wise teachers among God's people, unless they learn 
in youth?' My book is for young children, not for grown 
]jeople; I have written in simple language so as not to dis- 
courage them. Let any one think as he pleases of my transla- 
tion, I am satisfied to put in practice the things which I 
learned in the school of ^thelwold my teacher, who instilled 
good into many minds. ^ The date of this work is about 995, 
for according to his English preface it followed the second 
volume of the Catholic Homilies. 

It would be a satisfaction if we could know who were some 
of xElfric's pupils in this school at Cernel. It was his inter- 
est in their progress that led him to write his Grammar, and 
what he says in his prefaces leads us to think that there were 
boys of noble promise in that school. There is one whom 
we may without very rash conjecture believe to have been 
among ^Ifric's pupils at this time, ^thelnoth, the son of 
^thelmter, many years later than this was a monk, a dean of 
Christ Church at Canterbury, and in 1020 Archbishop of 
Canterbury. Thirty years earlier than 1020 he may have 
been at Cernel in his father's monastery, near his father's 
home. A glimpse into his character is afforded by the Saxon 
Chronicle of 1038, which records: 'This year died ^thelnoth, 
the good archbishop, and Bishop ^thelric in Sussex, who de- 
sired of God that he would not let him live long after his be- 
loved father, ^thelnoth; and accordingly, within seven days, 
he departed.' 

After 998 the name of ^thelweard no longer appears in 



I Compare with this what ^Ifric says of yEthelwold as a teacher, p. 40. 



At the Abbey of Cernel. 57 

the charters.^ The inference is that he had died. As 
^Ifric translated two hooks for the eaklorman after writing 
the Grammar, their dates must fall between 995 and 998. 
Of these, the Lives of the Saints, written at the earnest re- 
quest of ^thelweard and ^Ethelmger, was the first, for he says 
in its Latin preface, that it is the fourth of such translations. 
That it was at least as late as 996 is shown by his mention of 
yEthelwold as saint,'' for his name was not placed in the 
church calendar until that year. The Lives of the Saints is 
a long work, filling two hundred and thirty-six folio-pages in 
the manuscript, therefore it is reasonable to place the date as 
late as 997. Between this time and ^thelweard's death he 
translated the Genesis. Both of these works he undertook 
with much reluctance, not for lack of interest, but fearful lest 
he should weary his readers. It is plain that the judgment 
of laymen prevailed over the prejudices of the Eoman ecclesi- 
astic, and that the modest reluctance of the author was over- 
come by many assurances of appreciation, and of desire for 
the continuance of his work. By this time his writings were 
well known to many in the south of England. Probably 
copies of his different works were ordered for individuals and 
for monasteries. Among the few books remaining at Per- 
shore Abbey at the time of the dissolution of the monasteries 
in the sixteenth century, was a copy of ^Ifric's Grammar. 
It may possibly have been the gift of ^thelweard to that 
abbey. ' 

Wulfsige, Bishop of Sherborne (993-1001 or 3), to whose 
diocese Cernel belonged, was one of those who knew of 



1 The difficulty in identifying this iEthelweard with the king's high steward, who, by 
the Saxon Chronicle, died in looi, lies in this disappearance of the name from the char- 
ters three years earlier, when the name of jEIfric of Mercia which before was second 
stands at the head. If the ealdorman were ill or infirm, so as to be no longer able to attend 
to his official duties, he would hardly have met his death in battle. As it is uncertain just 
what is signified by the term high-steward (heah-gerefa), and there were many men named 
yEthelweard, there does not appear now any way to settle the question positively. If it 
could be proved that the high-steward was ^Ifric's friend it would enable us to set the 
dates of the Gra>n>nai\ Saints' Lives and his translations from the Bible a little later. 

2 Lives o/the Saints, I. 264. 

3 See p. 49; also Dugdale, Monasticon, II. 413. 



58 At the Abbey of Cernel. 

J^llfric's writings, for, about the time of ^thehveard's death, 
^Ifrie wrote at Wulfsige's bidding a pastoral letter ad- 
dressed to the clergy of the diocese. Wiilfsige is said to have 
introduced Benedictines into his cathedral at Sherborne, 
which implies a sympathy with the doctrines taught by 
^Ifric. This letter however is not written for monks, but 
for the secular clergy. As .^Ifric was well acquainted with 
the habits and needs of Dorset, we can discover in that letter 
the sins and abuses most common among the clerg}'^ there. 
The prefatory letter which yElfric addressed to the bishop 
himself shows that he did not fear to speak with boldness 
and independence, though he held no higher oiSce in the 
church than that of priest. 

There are no data that enable us to say positively whether 
yElfric wrote any other of his works at Cemel. MaeLean has 
called attention to the fact that the Glossary shows ^Ifric's 
use of Isidore. This indicates that it may date from the 
same period as that in which he wrote the Lives of the Saints, 
in which he probably used Isidore, or from that in which he 
wrote the work On the Old and New Testament, of which Isi- 
dore is tlie most important source. It is such a compilation 
as his actual work of teaching would call forth, and is per- 
haps to be assigned to the years 998-999. 

No book of iElfric's points more directly to his work in a 
school than the Colloquium, and that may have been written 
at Cemel sometime before 1005. 

These earnest years, filled with good deeds undertaken from 
patriotic love to the English people, must have brought their 
due rewards, and have been in many ways successful years. 
But there are passages scattered through his writings which 
disclose a keen sensitiveness to the evil condition of England 
in politics and in morals. He lamented that the English were 
not brave in defending their land; that the priests did not set 
a good example to the people; that the Gospel teachings were 
little known. He saw the country beset by heathen enemies 
whose power was constantly increasing; and the part of Eng- 



At the Abbey of Gernel. 59 

land ill which he lived, siifLered year after year from such in- 
roads as those of 994. Yet he does not write as a man dis- 
conraged, but as one who believed that constant faithfulness 
to duty would in the end accomplish the high aims which he 
had set before him. 



CHAPTER IV. 
AT THE ABBEY OF EYNSHAM. 

The year 1000, long anticipated as that of the end of the 
world,' was safely past. In England the year had been pre- 
ceded not only hy a vague fear of unknown ill, but by terrible 
sufferings realized. Heathen invaders had spared neither sea- 
ports nor interior towns; there had been repeated plunder 
and slaughter; the incompetence and treacherous action 
of King -(Ethelred and some of the ealdormen had resulted 
in divided counsels; treachery again and again in the com- 
manders of the English armies and fleets had betrayed the 
hopes of the people. All these things answered well to the 
occurrences which prophecy declared should precede the end 
of the world. The passing of the dreaded year brought no 
cessation of ills, and many thought that the looked-for con- 
summation was only delayed for a brief time. But life is so 
strong a force that men can not cease to believe in its con- 
tinuance, and so the thought of the uncertain future event 
did not wholly paralyze their activities. 

It must have been at about the beginning of the century 
that vEthelmaer, who had succeeded his father as ealdorman, * 
began to build the new abbey of Eynsham.' The foundation 
charter, of the year 1005/ is of interest in connection with 
^Ifric. It is not improbable that he composed it himself; * 



1 The true strength of this belief is difficult to estimate. Its vagueness and uncer- 
tainty must have rendered it inoperative as a motive when compared with the definiteness 
and reality of the common affairs of life. Yet it must have had some weight if the docu- 
ments of that time mean anything. 

2 Green, Cong, of Eng. p. 394; Robertson, Hist. Essays, p. 184-5. 

3 Eynshara on the Thames (Isis) river, a few miles above Oxford. ' This place is 
considered to be of great antiquity, and to have formed a royal vill (manor) in the reign of 
King jEthelred.' 

4 Cod. Dip. A.-S. p. 339-346; Dugdale's Monasticon, III. 11-13. 

5 ' It is even to be supposed that M\ir\c composed the charter. The style is simple, 
well-considered, and coherent. A healthy tone prevades the whole of this long document, 
which has nothing of the bombast used by his brethen elsewhere.' Dietrich, p. 240. 



At the Abbey of Eynsham. 61 

certainly it is a document that he read with interest and ap- 
proval, and one to which, there is every reason to believe, he 
added his own signature. It is of even more importance as 
the writing which tells nearly all the little that is known of 
the circumstances in which yElfric spent the last period of his 
life. The first part of it is written in the name of King 
^thelred, and confirms to his 'beloved and faithful ^thel- 
mser" the rights and liberties of the abbey of Eynsham. 
After speaking of the great tribulation of those days, the 
charter continues: 'It especially behooves us upon whom the 
ends of the ages are come, to examine with diligent care the 
needs of our souls, that we may know how and with what 
merits we may in that world which is soon to appear be vic- 
torious with Christ, for here we have no dwelling place, but 
we seek one to come. Therefore we, with earthly riches, have 
great need to try with all our powers to obtain that future 
world.' The charter relates that ^thelmser obtained this 
monastery from his son-in-law ^thelweard, in exchange for 
three parcels of land. As there is no record of a monastery 
there before this time, this may possibly mean that the land 
upon which the new abbey was built was thus obtained. Of 
the many lands with which ^thelmaer endowed the abbey, 
two estates, Shipford and Micklantun (Mickleton), had for- 
merly been given by King Edgar to Brihtnoth, the ealdor- 
man of Essex. The first of these, ^thelmger inherited from 
a relative, Leofwine; the second was bequeathed to him by 
Brihtnoth, which is easily explained, if, as has been said, his 
mother was Brihtnoth's daughter." 

The family connections and inheritances of ^thelmaer, 
and his relations with the king, probably led him to build 

1 In Cod. Dip. A.-S. VI. 174, ^thelmter is called ' the kinsman of King .lEthelred.' 

2 ' Villam quoque quae Scipford dicitur, dedit vir praedictus ad monasterium antedic- 
tum, quam ei Leofwinus suus consanguineus spiritu in ultimo constitutus donavit, quam 
BirthnoSus antea dux praeclarus ab Eadgaro patre meo dignis praemium pro meritis 
accipere laetabatur; Micclantun similiter ad monasterium dedit, quam ille BirthnoSus dux 
praedictus ultimo coramisit dono ab Eadgaro quoque ei antea donatam et in kartula 
firmiter commendatam.' Cod. Dip. A.-S. III. 341. 



62 At the Abbey of Eynsham. 

the new abl3ey at this place. The charter states that ^thel- 
mffir himself was to have his ov^ti home in the monastery, liv- 
ing as a father among the brethren. After the account of 
the boundaries of the lands which are secured to the abbey, 
are these words: 'I, ^thelmaer, make known to my dear 
lord, King zEthelred, and to all his counsellors, that I assure 
this gift to God, and to all his saints, and to St. Benedict.' ' 
'And I desire that he who is now the superior may continue 
to hold that office so long as he lives, and after his death that 
the brethren may choose one from their own number accord- 
ing as the rule prescribes, and I myself will live with them, 
and enjoy the endowment as long as life lasts.'"' That ^Ifric is 
the superior of whom ^thelm{\}r speaks, is proved by his own 
words in the preface to his book of extracts from ^thelwold's 
Be Consududine, addressed to the monks of Eynsham. They 
are these: 'Abbot ^Ifric desires for the brethren of Eyn- 
sham salvation in Christ. Dwelling with you, I see that you 
need to be instructed either by spoken or written words in 
monastic usages, since recently by ^thelmfer's request you 
have been ordained as monks. '^ These words by themselves 
are sufficient proof that ^Ifric was the abbot whom ^thel- 
masr had appointed, even as might be expected from the 
warm friendship which existed between these two men. But 
further than this, there are two Abbot ^Ifrics who witness 
this charter. The sixteen abbots whose names appear here can 
all be identified as presiding over monasteries in the neigh- 
borhood of Eynsham, except one of these two ^Ifrics. It 



1 See end of Ch. XIII. 

2 Ego jESelredus . . . literarum apicibus insinuare curavi, quod ^Selmaro viro 
valde fidelissimo inihi quoque dilectissimo impetrante absolutissimum libertatis privi- 
legium constituo monasterio ejus in honore sancti salvatoris, omniumque sanctorum 
suorum jure dedicato in loco celebri juxta fluvium qui vocatur Tamis constituo, quod ab 
incolis regionis illius Egenesham nuncupatur vocabulo; quod quidem monasterium 
j'ESelmarus ab ^Selweard genero suo mutuando accepit. . . . Vitae igitur regularis 
monachos inibi constituens ipse patris vice fungens vivensque communiter inter eos 
abbatem sanctae monachorum congregatione preferre, se vivente, instituit, ut ita deinceps 
post ipsum quern constituit abbatem, abbatum electio secundum regulae praeceptum, ex 
eadem congregatione usu teneat perpetuc' Cod. Dip. A.-S. III. 340. 

3 See that preface in Ch. XIII. 



At the Abbey of Eynsham. 63 

was the custom then for an abbot to witness all documents 
which related to his own monasteiy. It is therefore to be 
inferred that ^Ifric was the name of the abbot of Eynsham. ' 
Of the various other English abbots of that name, it can be 
sliown that none of them would be likely to sign this charter, 
because either their dates or the location of their abbeys do 
not allow it." 

The words of the charter imply that when it ^\'as written, 
monks were already gathered, and the abbot was established 
in their midst. Thus it may be that ^Ifric came there some- 
what earlier than 1005, and perhaps had been active in 
making all the preparations for opening a new monastery. 
It was probably so. Some of his pupils from Cernel would 
have come with him, as those from Glastonbury followed 
^thelwold to Abingdon. 

The first one of .'^Ifric's writings which is of this period, is, 
no doubt, the above-mentioned extract from ^thelwold's 
De Consuetudine Monaclwrum, and is probably of the year 
1005. He was now in Mercia, a region where there was gi'eat 
opposition to his ideas on clerical marriage; and most of his 
monks, who had come from the ranks of the secular clergy, ^ 
had little acquaintance with monastic life. ^Ifric would not 
force upon them the long Eule with its many minute details, 
he would have defeated his own ends if he had done so. In- 
stead of this, he carefully selected from ^thelwold's Eng- 

1 ' I have little hope that documents relating to the abbey of Eynsham by which the 
list of its first abbots can be determined, will ever be found in England. The Codex 
Diplornaticus published by Kemble, throws no light upon it. Having noted in Wanley, 
p. 105, that there was a codex in the library of Christ College, Oxford, which had records 
of Eynshara, I paid a visit to Oxford. There the dean and librarian of Christ Church 
kindly gave me the opportunity to inspect the manuscript. I have now convinced myself 
that the earlier abbots of Eynsham are not there. In the village of Eynsham there are no 
records, as also no longer an abbey. In order to leave nothing untried, I asked Dr. Ban- 
dinell of the Bodleian library if anything in reference to Eynsham had been found since 
the completion of the Monasticon^ and received an answer in the negative.' Dietrich, 
p. 241-2. 

2 See Dietrich, p. 237-8, 248, n. 164. 

3 Contrast in Kemble's Cod. Dip. A. -S. the charters of Oswald with those of the 
south of England: i. e. note that the former are attested by many clerks; the latter by few 
or none. 



64 At the Abbey of Eynsham. 

lish translation those parts which were adapted to their need, 
adding to these those things 'from the book of Amalarius' 
which he thought would be useful for them to know. It is 
sometimes said that iElfric had little imagination; but he had 
an unusual ability of putting himself in the place of othea's. 
He was always feeling his way carefully so as to meet the 
exact needs of his readers, and not to surfeit them with super- 
fluous teachings. A long list of passages from his homilies 
could be cited in proof of this. The preface of his Grammar 
shows one instance; that of the Lives of the Saints yet an- 
other; and to these extracts from the De Consuetudine he 
might fitly have added the words of Paul: 'We were gentle 
among you, even as a nurse cherisheth her children;' 'I have 
fed you with milk and not with meat, for hitherto ye were 
not able to bear it, neither yet now are ye able.' 

Up to this time the friends of whom ^Ifric spealcs have 
been of the south of England. From now on they are those 
who can be identified as belonging to Mercia. The new mon- 
astery was well known to the king and his counsellors, and 
yEthelmaer's lay friends had probably heard of ^Ifric and 
his books. Those of that region who cared to read would be 
interested to have such a man and such an author come 
among them. He can not have been there long before he 
was solicited to lend his writings, for it was probably before 
1006, or early in that year, that Wulfgeat of Ylmandune, ' 
a favorite thane of the king's, borrowed some of them. 
Afterwards he talked with yElfric about them, told him how 



I Fl. of Wor., 1006, ' King ^thelred stripped his'chief favorite, Wulfgeat, son of Leof 
sige, of his estates and honors, on account of his unrighteous judgments and arrogant deeds.' 
The Saxon Chronicle simply states the fact that he was deprived of his possessions. 
Greene, Cong, of E. 382, ' Wulfgeat probably directed the king's policy in the short 
interval of peace that followed Swain's departure at the end of 1004. But only two years, 
later the new minister was displaced by a revolution which seems to have been accom- 
panied by deeds of violence.' See Freeman, Nor. Cong. I. 220, 435-6; Cod. Dip. A.-S. III. 
224-345; VI. 154, 160, 169. Leechdoms, Wortcjinning., etc. III. p. XXVII, ' Ylmandun 
here mentioned may be certainly interpreted as Ilmingdon, on the borders of Warwickshire 
and Gloucestershire, with the down close to it. Ilmingdon is the next parish to Mickleton 
where one of the Eynesham-foundation estates lay.' 



At the Ahbey of Eynsham. 65 

much he liked them, and obtained from the abbot the prom- 
ise of more, a promise which was fulfilled by ^Ifric's sending 
him one of his sermons. Wulfgeat's name is attached to the 
charter of Eynsham, and he is to be identified, without doubt, 
as that thane of the king's who in 1006 was deprived of his 
estates and honors. 

In N^ovember, 1005, ^Ifrie, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
died, and early in the next year, Alphege, Bishop of Win- 
chester, became archbishop. Kenulph, Abbot of Peter- 
borough, succeeded at Winchester, but died within the year. 
As ^Ifric dedicated his life of ^thelwold to Bishop Ken- 
ulph, there can be no question as to its date. The words of 
the preface lead us to think that he may have visited Win- 
chester not long before he wrote it, possibly on his journey 
from Cernel to Eynsham. There his own remembrance of 
yEthelwold, who had been dead more than twenty years, had 
been refreshed, and he had noted down traditions of the 
monks and historical data ready for use when the opportunity 
to write should come. 

As we read the chronicles of these years, we can not help 
admiring the courage and constancy with which JElfric pur- 
sued his way, writing and teaching in the midst of national 
disasters that would have discouraged every patriotic citizen 
who did not look, as he did, far beyond the passing events of 
the hour. In this very year in which he wrote ^th el wold's 
biography, the Danish anny was burning towns and plunder- 
ing the land not far from Eynsham. The Saxon Chronicle 
tells how in mid-winter the army passed through Hampshire 
into Berkshire, to Reading, which they burned, and to Wal- 
lingford, about thirty miles farther down the Thames river 
than Eynsham, which they also burned, and, a little farther 
on, to Cholsey, which Florence of Worcester says had the 
same fate. 'Then were forces assembled at Kennet, and they 
there joined battle and put the EngHsh to flight.' 'Then the 
Winchester people could see an army that feared nothing, as 
it passed by their gates going on to the sea, carrying food and 



66 At the Abbey of Eynsham. 

treasure from over fifty miles inland. The dread of the 
army became so great that no man conld think or discover 
how their foes conld he driven ont of the land, or how the 
land conld defend itself against them, for they had put their 
marks upon every shire in Wessex by burning and by plun- 
dering.' Then follows the old story of tribute and food un- 
willingly given. This was not the end; the chronicles tell a 
similar tale for the years that followed this, and it was only 
when the Danish victory was complete and Cnut was king, 
after ^thelred's death (1016), that anything like peace 
dawned upon England. 

Sometime within the few years after 1006 ^Ifric wrote his 
treatise. On the Old and Neiv Testaments. In this he refers 
to many of his writings, so that its date is determined as a 
late one. In the opening words of this work, and in two 
other passages, he addresses Sigwerd of Easthealon at whose 
request he prepared this writing. He speaks of having visited 
Sigwerd at his house, so that Sigwerd's home must have been 
not far from Eynsham. As land at East Healle was granted 
to the abbey of Abingdon in Mercia in 963,* it is certain that 
Sigwerd was a Mercian, and one of vElfric's neighbors. He 
is probably the thane Sigwerd who witnessed the foundation 
charter of Eynsham, and whose name often appears in docu- 
ments between 995 and 1012. As the name disappears after 
that, and his death is to be inferred, we may date this work 
of ^Ifric's somewhere between 1005 and 1012. As this 
work follows in one manuscript the letter to Wulfgeat, it 
may have been written soon after that. One little incident 
of yElfric's visit to Sigwerd, related near the end of this writ- 
ing, tells something of ^Ifric, and also of the spirit of the 
Benedictine life. ^Ifric says: 'When I was at your house 
you urged me to drink more than I was accustomed. You 
ought to know, dear friend, that if any one compels another 
to drink more than is good for him, and any harm result, the 



1 See Chronicon Monasierii de Abingdon, II. 327-8. 



At the Abbey of Eynsham. 67 

blame is upon him who caused it. Our Saviour Christ in 
his gospel has forbidden believers in Him to drink more than 
is necessary. Let him who will, keep the law of Christ.' 
Thus uElfrie was not ascetic for the sake of asceticism. This 
visit is an illustration of his friendly intercourse with the 
people in the neighborhood of the new abbey, and of the 
practical efforts that he no doubt was making all of the time 
to elevate the common life of the people about him. Strict 
as he was in regard to purity of life, his loving and unselfish 
spirit won him friends where\'er he went. 

One other instance of his intercourse with his neighbors is 
the writing addressed to Sigeferth, who may possibly be the 
thane of that nauie whose signature is attached to the charter 
of Eynsham and to other docimients from 1005 to 1024, 
but the name is a very common one. This Sigeferth had a 
private chapel on his estate, and his priest was ppenly teaching 
that it was quite right for the clergy to marry. ' Perhaps Sige- 
ferth was acquainted with ^Ifric, or it may be that he was 
known to ^tlielma^r. In any case,iElfric knew of the teaching 
of Sigeferth's priest, and the result was a carefully prepared 
sermon on chastity addressed to Sigeferth, which no doubt 
reached the priest, but we do not hear that he abandoned his 
teachings. Had the times been less confused and troubled, 
the efforts on the part of the secular clergy and their friends 
to carry this point, and ])rove their teaching correct, might, 
and probably would in time, have resulted in the modifica- 
tion of the teachings of such earnest men as ^Ifric. The 
course of Dunstan and Oswald is an indication of this. 

^Ifric's Life of ^thelivold which he sent to the brethren 
at Winchester, can hardly have reached there much before the 
death of Bishop Kenulph. It may have been this fresh re- 
minder of the Winchester alumnus, that led to a request 
from the new bishop, ^thelwold II, that ^Ifric would 
write a sermon for him. It was in answer to this that a 
homily was translated, that on the text: 'Watch, therefore, 
for ye know neither the day nor the hour when your Lord 



68 At the Abbey of JEJynsham. 

doth come/ and the date must fall in ^thelwold's term of 
office, that is, between 1007 and 1012. 

It was in this latter year, 1012, that the cruel death of 
^Ifric's former bishop, Alphege, occurred at Greenwich. 
The contrast of unrest and terror outside the monastery, with 
calm steady purpose, and attention to every-day duties of life, 
is shown in the writings which TEUvic produced at this time, 
still mindful of the spiritual needs of the people when the 
outward circumstances were as disheartening as possible. 

The pastoral letter which ^Ifric wrote for Bishop Wulf- 
sige when in Dorset, suggested to Wulfstan, Archbishop of 
York and Bishop of Worcester, that such letters would be 
useful for his numerous clergy. Eynsham, though imder the 
Bishop of Ijondon, was not far from the Worcester diocese; 
Wulfstan was one of the signers of the Eynsham charter, and 
must have known its abbot and his writings, and among them 
that pastoral letter. His first request to ^Ifric was for letters 
in Latin, and the next year, for an English translation of the 
same. The date of these was probably not before 1014, for 
section 52' of the first letter is apparently taken from laws of 
yEthelred which were issued in that year. It is also probable 
that the date is not much later than that. Wulfstan's famous 
Address to the English shows how deeply he felt the calamities 
of the time, the sins of the people-, and the pressing need of 
a remedy; and so his request for these letters would hardly 
have been delayed until the last years of his life. The con- 
nection between these two most important writers of this 
period of Old English is worth noting here. If we judge 
by Wulfstan's homilies he would not have hesitated to re- 
buke the faults of his clergy. Nor did ^Ifric hesitate to 
use plain language when occasion demajided. He was 
gentle with the ignorant laity and the young, but the 
secular clergy had no excuse for their conduct. They were 
bound by their office to be an example to the people. Wulf- 



I Cf. with Section 52 a passage in Wilkins' Le^es Anglo-Saxonicae, p. nS- 



At the Abbey of Eynsham. 69 

Stan's request was not made simply because ^Ifric was a 
scholar and a skillful writer of books. He recognized in him 
one who was working with his whole heart for the practical 
ends that he himself was seeking. There are marked differ- 
ences in the temper and in the literary work of these men, 
but they were manifestly in sympathy with each other. 

yEthelmaer was probably an older man than .^Ifric. This 
is indicated by the words of the charter in which he refers- to 
himself as being in the place of a father in the abbey. In 
the charters from 1006 to 1013 his name occurs but twice, 
and his life was probably spent in quiet retirement as the 
words already quoted would lead us to expect.' In 1013, the 
Saxon Chronicle, giving the account of Sweyn's conquest of 
the different paiis of England, says, 'Then went King Sweyn 
to Wallingford, and so over the Thames westward to Bath, 
and encamped there with all his forces. And ^thelmger the 
ealdorman came thither, and the western thanes with him, 
and they all submitted to Sweyn and gave hostages for them- 
selves.' Probably at this time yEthelma3r was an old man. 
The next year we hear of his death. Three years later, in 
1017, his son ^thelweard was put to death by Cnut, but 
unjustly, according to Florence of Worcester. Again in 1020 
his son ^thelnoth became archbishop of Canterbury, and his 
son-in-law ^thelweard was banished by the king. 

What do we know of ^Ifric in these years?" Little that 
is definite, and yet it is certain that the death of his friend 
and the fortunes of his family touched him very closely. We 
have a hint of literary work in the English preface of the 
first volume of Catliolic Homilies, in which he speaks of King 
^thelred's day as if it were past. It was not far from 1020 



1 From 983-1005 y^thelmser's name is found more than twenty times among the attend- 
ants of the king as witness of documents. 

2 ' It is impossible to believe that M\{r\c became a bishop in these last years of his life. 
The only one of his name who is chronologically possible is the bishop of East 
Anglia who died in 1038. But the Mercian abbot would not have been sent to the 
eastern end of the country, to Elmham. It is yet more improbable that our /Elfric, who 
wrote his language with purity and force, could have written East Anglian as carelessly as 
did Bishop ^Elfric in the testament handed down from him.' Dietrich, p. 241. 



VO At the Abbey of Eynsham. 

that he revised his homilies and prepared a second edition, 
lie no longer wrote large new volumes of translation, but 
single sermons as occasion demanded, those writings, perhaps, 
for which no date can be suggested. His life was not simply 
that of a student, or a teacher in the cloister-school; as abbot 
his social rank was high, and social duties must have devolved 
upon him. His great interest in the secular clergy and the 
laity points to active eiforts on his part outside of the mon- 
astery. 

There is no record of the year of his death. In 1020 or 
1021 an Abbot ^Ifric signed a charter of gift to St. Paul's 
Abbey in London.' That abbey, like the Old Minster of Win- 
chester, had no abbot: it stood directly under the Bishop of 
London. The abbot of Westminster at that time was named 
Wulnoth, and there is no Abbot yElfric under the Bishop of 
London nearer than Eynsham. The probability is that the 
^Ifric whose name is found here is ^Ifric the abbot of that 
monastery. We may reasonably suppose that he died some- 
where between 1020 and 1025, as there is no longer any trace 
of him 

Of the monastery over which he presided few records re- 
main, and no list of its abbots begins earlier than 1115. The 
obscurity which involved his house concealed the identity of 
its most famous abbot. As we consider the confusion of the 
time, and the revolutions in state and church which were to 
come with the ISTorman Conquest, the mystery which" has sur- 
rounded the person of ^Ifric is easily explained. After ali, 
we may be thankful that so many facts of his life are cer- 
tainly known; there are men of greater note than he of whom 
we know less. Students of this period of history, which has 
sometimes been called 'the darkest of the dark ages,' will yet 
gather together more and more facts which will explain the 
life and the works of ^^Ifric, and make more clear his services 
to the English language, and to the higher life' of the Eng- 
lish people. 

1 Cod. Dip. A. -S. IV. 304. 



1 



CHAPTER V. 

^LFEIC'S EDUCATION AND CHAEACTEE. 

Had the tenth century not been filled with a constant, war- 
like unrest, which disturbed the peace of the cloister; had 
there been a love of learning as in the time of Aldhelm and 
Bede, protected, and incited, by kings like Alfred, and main- 
tained by more frequent associations with the scholars of 
other lands, the zeal of an ^Ifric would have reached a 
more many-sided perfection. Under such circumstances, his 
mind, which Avas open, clear and firm, desirons of everything 
good and noble, would have come to a higher degree of in- 
sight and independence than we see really attained by him. 
This is evident when we examine closely his writings and 
teachings, and comjiare him with the educated men of his 
century in other lands. 

Nevertheless, when Judged fairly according to the condi- 
tions of his time, he stands forth an eminent man among the 
Old English. But his chief excellence is not to be sought in 
special learnedness, nor in the distinguished place assigned 
him in relation to traditional Catholicism. Eather it is to be 
found in the fidelity with which he devoted whatever learn- 
ing his opportunities enabled him to acquire to the educa- 
tion of the people, adapting to their needs his whole thought 
and activity. 

It is not probable that he ever enjoyed a court-training, 
or travelled in foreign lands. His book education was nar- 
rowed to the Trivium and Quadrivium of the cloister-schools. 
Grammar and rhetoric he must have studied with a keen 
interest, and all the knowledge of these subjects that he was 
able to obtain, he transmuted into sap and blood. This is 
shown by his clear, vigorous, consistent use of language, both 



72 ^Ifric's Education and Character. 

English and Latin, and by the flexibility and force of his 
rhetorical movement in the homilies. That he may also have 
been successful in the study of theory we can infer from his 
translation of Priscian; but classicism is not to be found in 
his Latin. It is free from the excessive ornamentation and 
the disjointed constructions of the writings of the preceding 
century, and from the barbarous importations from Greek 
and the modern languages of Western Europe which charac- 
terized the Latin of his own time; it is simple and correct 
according to the grammatical standard of that age. At the 
same time it is always the Latin of the Middle Ages, with its 
strange constructions and word-forms after the example of 
the Latin translations of the Bible. ^Ifric says, for example, 
'interpretavimus,' and uses 'si' in the indirect question, Just 
as Bede does. 

It is not probable tliat he was acquainted with any language 
except Latin and the mother-tongue. The knowledge of 
Hebrew was not to be thought of, for since Jerome such 
learning had been transmitted only in his writings. The 
representation and explanation of the Hebrew words with 
which the separate books of the Pentateuch begin, and by 
which they are named; the interpretation of proper names of 
sacred history, and of other expressions, for example, of 
'Hallelujah,' show only the diligent use of Jerome. If ^Ifric 
had obtained knowledge of Hebrew at first hand, perhaps 
through rabbis, he would not have explained Nain as 'agita- 
tion' {Horn. I. 492), or make Ananias signify sheep' {Horn. 
I. 390). He had read the Old Testament only in Latin, 
and so he is guilty of many little inaccuracies and mis- 
understandings. Thus he calls the queen who' came to 
Solomon 'Saba,' holding the uninflected genitive in 'in regina 
Saba' to be a proper name; and he says that the books of 
Kings and of Chronicles were written by 'Samuel and Mal- 
achim.' 

He might perhaps have known Greek, since the knowledge 
of it had never quite been lost in England. It is clear, how- 



jElfric^s Education and Character. 73 

ever, that he did not, for he nowhere shows any independent 
acquaintance with the significance of Greek words. When he 
does give them he generally gives them correctly. 'The Holy 
Ghost/ he says, following Bede, 'is called in the Greek lan- 
guage "Paraclitns," that is, "Spirit of Comfort."' Once he 
writes a word of a Greek stem: the six jars at the marriage at 
Cana are called in his text Imjdriae, in which is the Greek 
word hydor, 'water.' In this etymology he follows Bede. He 
explains the name Stephen {Horn. I. 50), not by the Greek, 
bnt by the Latin, and not by corona, but by coronatus, which 
he translates into the Old English gewuldorleagod, 'crowned.' 
He gives as explanation of the name Gregorius, {Horn. II. 
118) Vigilantius, and translates this again by the neuter of 
the comparative, wacolre, 'more watchful,' and offends by this 
the Latin as well as the Greek. Thus it appears that 
there is not the slightest ground for ascribing to him even the 
rudiments of Greek. At that time only Latin was deemed 
necessary for an understanding of the Bible. He says 
'Jerome translated from Hebrew and from Greek into Latin, 
the language in which we learn.' 

It was the custom to join with the astronomy of that day 
teachings on physics, and on the reckoning of the calendar 
according to its movable feasts. In this branch ^Ifric had 
more than the usual knowledge, which appears to have been 
limited in the cloister-course to the finding of Easter-day, 
including whatever was necessary for that in the courses of 
the sun and of the moon. He had read of eclipses of the 
sun and moon, and of shooting stars. He knew that the 
moon rises daily about four points (fmver pricum) later, 
and so the tide of the sea comes so much later. AVhat a 
favorite subject, and how familiar astronomy was to him, is 
shown by the account of the different beginnings of the 
year with different nations which is found in a homily for 
the first of January, the beginning of the Roman year. 

Of general history he knew hardly more than the sum- 
mary of the Origenistic world-ages, to which he sometimes 



74 ^Ifric's Education and Character. 

refers. It is true that he often quotes historical or geograph- 
ical observations with the words: 'historical writers (loyrd- 
wrlteras) say so and so;' but the contents of such quotations 
point only to acquaintance with Josephus, and with the 
native history, whose political and ecclesiastical events were 
recorded in Bede's oft-named work. 

As is to be expected, he was most familiar with church 
history, especially with the work begun by Eusebius and con- 
tinued after his time. He nowhere names Eusebius, nor, in 
this connection, Eufmus, the true translator of Eusebius' 
work into I^atin, for he understands Jerome to be its author, 
and ascribes the story of the finding of the cross to hmi. 
This is a confusion of the Ecclesiastical History with the 
Cltroniclc of Eusebius, of which Jerome translated the second 
part, and carried it forward to 378 A. D. ^Ifric had read 
many church-legends, but not with the critical spirit, in the 
modern sense of the term, that rarest of all spirits in the 
Middle Ages. His own lives of saints show knowledge and 
graphic talent, but he nowhere distinguishes by any law of 
inner probability that which is worthy of belief from that 
which is suspicious. His test of reliability was only the good- 
ness of the person from whom the history or tradition was 
received. He repeatedly says that he has taken diligent care 
for correct belief in his teachings, since he has followed those 
fathers whose authority is accepted by all Catholic churches. 

His theological education embraced Biblical knowledge 
and dogmatics, ecclesiastical history, customs, and statutes, 
and liturgical and pastoral theology. In these his education 
was extensive, and chiefly of a practical tendency. His hom- 
ilies sometimes approach dialectical development, yet he goes 
little beyond the Christian speculations of Augustine, and 
does not from principle allow himself individual, free doc- 
trinal development. Although he chooses his teachings with 
tolerable freedom, he is to be classed with divines who are 
adherents of tradition. It wa s his wish to use for the common 
people the doctrines which had been developed by the greatest 



^Ifric's Education and Character. 76 

Christian teachers, those teachings that the whole church 
preserved and held sacred, and which he himself received 
with full conviction. In the homilies he usually gives the 
exposition which is found in the Latin original, considering, 
first, the literal meaning of the Scripture-passage, and then 
the moral and typical meanings. Indeed he often makes the 
lesson of the types more important than the moral lesson. 
For this reason he sometimes has strange interpretations, for 
example, when he says that the five shillings which redeemed 
the first-born {Horn. I. 138) signify the five senses which 
should be dedicated to God; or, that the return of the Magi 
is to image our return to the true fatherland by another way 
pointed out by God.^ Even where he moves freely, and has ' 
not old homilies before him, as in the introduction to Genesis, 
lie shows that his thoughts follow easily the typical explana- 
tions of the old church-fathers. For the first word of the 
Old Testament, 'In the beginning,' he postulates a deeper and 
more spiritual understanding than the obvious one: it means 
'in Christ God created the heavens and the earth,' an inter- 
pretation drawn from John 8, 25, of which his translation 
read, '1 who speak to you am the beginning." Likewise hirf 
explanation of the tabernacle and its single component parts, 
as a type of the church, to which men are to bring faith, 
virtues, and penitential deeds, is not his own, but that of the 
ancient church. 

In the New Testament, especially in the parables and other r 
addresses of our Lord, he held generally to the simplest literal 
explanation; he seeks here only the proper, obvious under- 
standing of the words. An example of simple, striking ex- 
egesis is his explanation of the parable of the different kinds 
of seeds, which he drew from Gregory and from Bede. 

The text which he comments on is always the Vulgate, 
though occasionally he mentions variations between different 

1 In this he treats the subject as Otfried does, because he draws from similar sources. 

2 The interpretation is an old one found in Isidore, in the Hexameron of Basil, in Ter- 
tullian, in Hilarius, in a fragment of Ariston of Pella, and in Bede's Commentary on 
Genesis. 



76 u^lfric's Education and Character. 

Latin translations {Horn. I. 172; II. 446; cf. I. 436), and lie 
knew and used, besides the Vulgate, the translation by 
Jerome. He was acquainted with what Isidore's prefaces to 
the books of the Bible contain about the authors and the 
historj' of their times. The collection into a comprehensive 
whole of such knowledge as is now found in an introduction 
to the Scriptures, belongs to a time much later than ^Ifric, 
but his complete and hearty appropriation of the whole con- 
tents of the Bible itself appears everywhere, and he was able 
at need to reproduce it independently. He is incontestably 

N a master in the portrayal of Biblical story, understanding well 
how to weave into the narrative his own practical applica- 
tions and comments. Here and there he shows the influence 
of legend upon sacred history, of which he was perhaps un- 
conscious. Thus he tells of the creation of the angels and 
of the fall of Lucifer, as if they stood in the first book of 
Moses; and he makes Job the fifth after Abraham, Isaiali to 
be sawn asunder under Manassah, and Jeremiah to be stoned 
in Egypt, Just as if they all stood in the Bible. His historical 
and Biblical teachings always have reference to a moral effect, 
but he has not principles of morals developed by themselves. 
His pastoral letters show his comprehensive and accurate 
acquaintance with the canons of the ecumenical councils. 
In making profane and Biblical history accessible to his 

"' people, yElfric sought to adapt his material to the character 
and customs of the English, in order that it might either 
accord with that which they had experienced, or become by 
association with that comprehensible to them. With facile 
hand he makes plain also those things which could not be 
so brought home to them: now he suppresses that which is 
secondary in the foreign narrative, and again he inserts the 
familiar in so far as the truth is not prejudiced by it. This 
is seen especially in respect to the social stations of persons 
of high rank. He seeks to show that the relation of the 
saints to God is the same as that of thanes to their king: 
as thanes intercede with the king, so do the saints with God. 



^I/He's Education and Character. 17 

Saint Sebastian is represented as a truth-loving, wise inter- 
cessor, as a good English thane of God; and the gi-eat men 
of Egypt are called Pharaoh's thanes, or his witan, 'counsel- 
lors.' The English prince next below the king was called the 
^theling. Thus Christ is named by ^Ifric, as he had been 
by the earlier poets. Moses he calls the mighty duke 
(liereioga), and sometimes he gives the judges this title: 
Pilate is King Herod's ealdorman; Holof ernes and Sisera. are 
Syrian ealdormen. The Je^^'ish high-priest is. always the 
elder bishop (ealdorhisceop), not exactly archbishop, and not, 
as in the gospels, high-priest. 

As over the prisons of an English shire there was placed 
an official called the high sheriff (healigerefa), so ^Ifric 
gives that title to Valerian in his life of Lawrence, and, 
again, to an Agrippa by whose counsel Nero had caused Paul 
to be beheaded. The English reeves had to receive rents and 
customs for their lords. So Joseph in Egypt is called a reeve 
because he filled the king's granaries. The publicans in the 
gospels are introduced as reeves, and thus they were much 
more intelligible and more alive than if they had been called 
tax-gatherers, or publicans as they are in the New Testament. 
To the English the Welsh men and women (wealh and 
wylen) were servants by birth, hence the Egyptians are made 
to say 'the Israelites are our wealas/ and it is said that 
Abimelech took 'welas and wylna.' The free servant as an 
assistant is gingra, with the Judge he is the beadle (hydel), 
a word which also meant herald, and so John is introduced as 
Christ's beadle. 

In Old English law, reparations for crime or neglect were 
graded according to locality, in short, according to the rank 
of the authority which hallowed the place. How living to 
the people must have been the passage which shows that 
transgressions under the New Covenant are more to' be 
dreaded than those under the Old, where ^Ifric explains: 
'One thing is the regulation which the king ordains through 
his nobles or officials, but another is the edict issued when 
6 



78 ^Ifric's Education and Character. 

he is present' {Horn. I. 359). The instigator of murder for- 
feited his property even as did the doer. This ^Ifrie used 
in reference to the property which Satan had in mankind, 
and especially in reference to Satan's instigation of the Jews 
to the killing of Christ {Horn. I. 216). 

From early times every English province was spoken of in 
relation to jurisdiction by the name of shire. By the use of 
this term ^Ifric transfers that which was foreign to domestic 
ground, as when he calls Csesarea the fortress of the Cappa- 
docian shire. One of the duties accompanying the use of 
land in England was the repair of the walled towns: so the 
spies under Caleh were required to see whether the walls of 
the towns were in repair. 

How distinctly the country, the domestic concerns, and the 
manner of life of the Old English, come before the eye in 
many passages from iElfric; as in the words: 'Foolish is the 
traveller who turns into the level path that leads him astray, 
and forsakes the steep path which leads to the walled-town;' 
or where tar, honey, frankincense, and also acorns and nuts, 
are sent from Palestine to Egypt; and where every fruit- 
garden figures as an apple-orchard (wppeltun). Again, the 
Old English dwelling-house had the guest-room under a sep- 
arate roof, hence we read that Abraham received the three 
angels in his guest-house (on Ms gest liuse). The feasts of 
the patriarchs are called beer-drinkings (gebeorscipas), and 
it is said that John drank neither wine, nor beer, nor ale, but 
ate fruit and 'what he could find in the wood;' the locusts, 
as strange, are omitted. Thus — and it might be illustrated 
much further — the assimilation of that which was foreign 
reached from the most important legal relations to the 
smallest features of daily life. 

This method of .i^lfric's, by which he enlivens foreign 
material with the native colors and tones, may be less the 
artistic impulse, so praiseworthy in the author of the Heliand, 
than the desire to cherish and enoble the native culture and 
manners. Not only the poetical clothing of his thought, but 



^Ifric^s Education and Character. 79 

also such, transformations as these, were intentional; they show 
that he wished to be a man of the people, notwithstanding 
his monkish education by means of Latin literature, and all 
his zeal for ecclesiasticism in Roman forms. Perhaps some 
are inclined to pre-suppose in monks, especially in those who 
are zealous for celibacy, ouly a mind for asceticism, or, at 
least, for repression of the people. To such it must be agree- 
able and surprising to find ^Ifric full of patriotic love fork 
his whole fatherland. The way in which he cites a list of 
victorious English kings, Alfred, ^thelstan, and Edgar, as 
examples of leaders of the people conducted by God to great- 
ness and power, makes it easy to see his joy in the welfare of 
the whole nation. In his time, courage to bear arms against 
foreign pirates had weakened, was even asleep. He used the 
Biblical history over and over to arouse that courage. 'There 
is a righteous war,' he says, 'war against raging pirates, or 
against other peoples who wish to destroy the fatherland.^ 

But his love for his nation shows itself most in activity 
for the spiritual good and education of the laity. He was in- 
cited to make several of his translations by men of high rank, 
who desired religious readings for themselves and their subor- 
dinates, but his first undertaking was of his free choice, and 
arose from sympathy with the people. It was with this spirit 
that he wrote: 'It is good and right to minister to God's 
poor, and especially to the se'rvants of God, but it is greater 
to spealv heavenly lore to the unlearned, and to feed their 
souls' {Horn. II. 442). 

Besides the translation of the Lord's Prayer and the greater 
and smaller formulas of belief, ^Ifric put before the people 
other prayers, distinguished by their depth and brevity, and 
entirely suited to the common need. The whole manner of 
his exposition and use of Scripture, which he brings so near 
to the common man that he can, as it were, grasp it with his 
hands, shows that he never forgot his aim, to give sound 
nutriment to the untaught, and that he remained always 
under the control of the inner pressure to help his 'English 
people' (Angclcyn). 



80 ^Ifric's Education and Character. 

I cannot trace, consistently with. ^Ifric's character, his 
teaching upon election, .and his use of Gregoiy's authority 
upon the same, to a lax conception of church belief; but only 
to his love for the people and to his desire to win as many as 
possible. He explains the frightful words, 'Few are chosen,' 
in the mildest way, referring to the words of Christ in Matt. 
8, 11; and that no doubt may remain upon the subject, he 
brings forward as a church authority for the not small num- 
ber of those Avho shall be saved, a passage from Gregory, 
which scanned more closely, scarcely Justifies the conclusion 
of ^Ifric. He says, 'though the chosen of God seem few in 
the present life, among the carnally-minded, yet they are not 
few when they are gathered together' {Horn. II. 82). Thus 
he precludes the thought that a whole people which had come 
into such dire need as the Old English were in, should be 
represented as rejected of God. 

That his love for the people was the true love which is 
bound up with moral earnestness, is shown sufficiently in 
his reproofs of their darling sins, foremost, that of di'unken- 
ness. 

The Old English had great pleasure in alliterative verse; 
and if so small a thing may be allowed to count as a token 
of pure love of the people, yElfric's introduction of the popu- 
lar metrical discourse into his homilies, which, so far as I 
know, no other preacher in German lands had done, is an 
evidence that he wished to penetrate directly to the hearts of 
his hearers. Though Aldhelm had used his poetical powers 
for oral delivery of sacred history itself, yet it had not been 
undertaken for church discourse. ^Ifric appropriated the 
universally favorite form in order that the proclamation of 
salvation might take hold upon hearts with the power of the 
song of the old heroes, who had been hitherto the moral 
exemplars of that which was noblest. The subjects of those 
selections which he has handled poetically, lead one to believe 
that this was probably his aim. They were in most cases 
histories of saintly warriors, either of those of the Old Eng- 



^I/He's Education and Character. 81 

lish who had fallen fighting for the everlasting treasure, or 
heroes and deeds of sacred story. Even the homily on the 
Passion is purely narrative, and aims to impress upon the 
soul the glory of the victorious Jesus in his struggle and 
death. 

^Ifric's humility is to he estimated in accordance with 
the time and the monastic condition to which he belonged. 
His numerous expressions of humility are not for the 
sake of calling attention to himself, hut are signs of true 
self-knowledge. The English preface of Catholic Hom- 
ilies, I. shows well this trait of his character. If one notes 
also how strictly he keeps his own opinions and devices out of 
the Avay when he has to do with the divine word and with 
the teaching of correct belief, one cannot deny that he has the 
right self-restraint, heart-felt veracity, and the concurrence 
of his inmost thinking with his outer expression of thoughts 
and motives. Yet even if complete humility was only an 
object aimed at, and not yet fully acquired, who could hold 
an Egyptian death-trial in the innermost santuary of another 
soul? Wlio would not put up with some self-satisfaction in 
a good author? 

More questionable are his requests to those who are more 
learned than he that they will forgive the simplicity of his 
instruction, and not blame his abridgments. What does it 
mean, except that they are not to attribute it to ignorance 
and a low standpoint of knowledge and of faith on his pai-t. 
Similar to this is the declaration which he sometimes makes, 
that he will not translate more, and does not wish to be asked 
to do it. Yet he. allows himself again and again to be deter- 
mined to the undertaking of new works, which he could not 
avoid with true love to the people and the church. Could 
he not have known this beforehand? 

It should no more be called a fault in ^Ifric than in any 
other author that he wishes to preserve the meaning and 
outward form of his texts pure and unaltered. We know how 
carelessly the writings of others of that time were treated, 



82 y^lfric's Education and Character. 

how much was transcribed only in order to remodel and en- 
large. ^Ifric makes it a matter of conscience with the 
scribes to write with care and to correct mistakes. If anyone 
seeks to find in that a little literary vanity, it will be only 
the vanity of a man who wishes to appear always in a good 
and pure garment. 



CHAPTER VI. 

^LFEIC'S SERVICE AND INFLUENCE. 

There may be a question in many minds whether the ser- 
vice and influence of ^Ifric were of much importance to his 
people. This doubt may be felt because he took no promi- 
nent part in ecclesiastical or doctrinal controversy, and did 
not rise above the traditional theology of his day; still more, 
because he did not attain to any position of control in the 
affairs of the national church. 

As an author, considered in the general sense of that term, 
we cannot rank him with those who have promoted the de- 
velopment of knowledge. He belonged to an age in which 
there was almost nO' struggle for the formulation of doctrine, 
and in which all learning languished. His aim was chiefly 
a practical one; his writings were to serve the church of his 
time, and were called forth by pressing needs. Thus the i- 
questions may be fairly asked: in what degree was he fortu- 
nate in the choice of his material? independent in his treat- 
ment of it? and successful in promoting practical ends? 

Already, by the ninth century, the Germanic countries of 
Western Europe had received a store of poetical works: 
among them the Heliand, the works ascribed to Caedmon, and 
the writings of Cynewulf. The tenth century demanded de- 
cidedly more appropriation of knowledge, such as would be 
furnished by homilies in the mother tongues, and by trans- 
lations and paraphrases of the books of the Bible. Germany 
has still some fragments of sermons of the tenth century to 
show, as well as a German psalter and German gospels. 
But only the Old English of that time has handed down 
such a commentary as ^Ifric's three collections of doc- 
trinal and historical homilies. Besides these works he 
provided translations of Genesis and of portions of nearly 
all of the historical books of the Old Testament, and 



84 .'Elf He's Service and Influence. 

made accessible to the people a considerable part of the 
text of the gospels and epistles, in the prescribed readings 
for Sundays and festival days of the year. These writings, to- 
gether with his introductory work On the Old and New Testa- 
ments, gave just the material which was urgently needed. In 
his use of the homilies and treatises of the most distinguished 
writers of the ancient church he follows the custom of his 
own and earlier times. Bede worked almost exclusively in 
the church fathers. The before-mentioned German homilies 
were, so far as can be judged by their fragments, translations 
of old sermons, especially of tliose of Gregory the Great, 
whose writings Alfred had found especially practical, and 
whom ^Ifric has often used. 

In a very modest way ^^Ifric has designated himself as a 
mere translator; but, in fact, even where he has followed the 
foreign originals, he has not simply translated. He has some- 
times extended and more often abridged, and in both cases he 
has shown great tact. His homilies are freely-adapted re- 
visions in M'hich he has omitted whatever was abstruse, subtle, 
and wearisome in his originals. He often says, ''this may 
be sufficient for you, laymen,' or, 'it would be tiresome for you 
to go more deeply.' Thus his hearers were made to under- 
stand the simple, obvious meaning of the truth taught, and 
at the same time to. feel that they had not exhausted its deep 
treasures. 

The literary aspect of our author is attractive in its noble 
simplicity, clearness and vigor of expression. We see that he 
has taken Alfred's writings as his pattern. Both of these 
authors have written religious poetry, and in this Alfred 
stands higher; but in prose ^Elfric is more exact, finished and 
jDleasing. 

As a theologian, he was always striving for intelligent and 
practical apprehension of dogma, and he received with vital 
freshness and sincerity the mystery of redemption and of the 
person of the Eedeemer. 

A true teacher of the people has always to struggle. So 



JElfric^s Service and Influence. 85 

we find ^Ifric contending against coarse and subtle supersti- 
tions. In the nortliem and eastern parts of England much 
heathenism may still have existed openly, and as, especially 
since Edgar's time, the Scandinavians had found access to 
the whole land, the old propensity of the Saxons and Angles 
to the customs of their forefathers was fostered anew. ^Ifric 
included in his Saints' Lives a sermon on the false gods. In 
this he identifies the Roman gods with those of the Scandi- 
navians, but not with those of the heathen English. From 
this we may conclude that the English themselves were now 
quite free from coarse idolatry, and that he feared for his 
people on account of contact with the Danes. But various 
forms of magic were still practised among the English. 
Against these he speaks in the Catholic Homilies (I. 366, 474, 
476), and preaches a special sermon against them in the Lives 
of the Saints. ' iElf ric, in accordance with the custom of the 
church, allowed various incantations, if only the Triune God 
were invoked, and not an idol {Horn. I. 150, 218). He re- 
jected the curse as wrong, but allowed that it had power 
{Horn. II. 30-36). 

A part of the old popular belief had passed over under 
changed names into church belief: the veneration of Mary be- 
side God the Father and the Son, had taken the place of that 
of Friga beside Wodan and Thonar; and the veneration of 
saints and of the cross, that of heroes and demi-gods and of 
the tree. In respect to the invocation of Mary and of the 
saints, ^Elfric held by the tradition of the church, but he did 
not wish such address to be mistaken for worship." Of the 
cross, he says, 'The sign of the cross is our blessing, and we 
pray to the cross, yet not to the tree, but to the Almighty One 
who for us hung upon it, {Horn. II. 240). 

He had no belief in a mechanical influence of good works, 
but all his teaching and exhortation aimed to bring men to 
strive after righteousness of heart (Horn. II. 314, 432). 



1 On Auguries; Lives of the Saints, I. 364-382. 

2 See Horn. I. 174. 



80 ^Ifric's Service and Influence. 

^Ifric labored miAveariedly for the culture and elevation of 
secular clergy and monks. Not only did he rebuke their 
ignorance and evil example, but he undertook the work of 
their education, roused them from their careless lives, and 
overcame all the excuses with which they tried to free them- 
selves from these burdensome demands. His zeal against the 
marriage of priests has not been regarded by Protestant judges 
as a merit. But the laws which were directed against the 
English clergy of that time appear to Justify some restraint. 
In the practical carrying out of the celibacy of the officiating 
priests, ^Ifric was more mild than some of his predecessors. 
He did not wish that already existing marriages should be 
severed. He permitted the marriage of the members of the 
lower orders of the priesthood, and appealed to Gregory in 
confirmation of this {Horn. II. 94); but he demanded that 
priests who officiated at the holy eucharist, and those who 
were monks should make up their minds to complete chastity. 
This was by all evidences the opinion of the best and most 
distinguished laymen among the Old English: men like 
yEthelweard and iEthelmger, yEthelwin of East Anglia, Sig- 
werd of ISTorihumbia,, Leofric of Mercia, and Brithnoth who 
fell at Maldon. 

Of ^Ifric's pupils, we learn the name of but a single one; 
but all the clergy of the following period who wished to culti- 
vate themselves were obliged to go- to school to him: his 
books were the most easily accessible means of instruction. 

Of direct influence, we hear that in accordance with the 
regulations prescribed by him, the priests were obliged to pos- 
sess at least ten books; and to preach in English. It is of 
more importance that they, following his example, learned to 
preach independently. To all appearance he had in his own 
time influenced suggestively the literary activity of Arch- 
bishop Wulfstan. 

From the time of the Danish wars, far on into the period 
after the Norman Conquest, ^Ifric's sermons were copied 
again and again, as their altered language betrays; and the 



^If Tic's Service and Influence. 87 

manuscripts noted below as mixed, contain Old English homi- 
lies which originated with other authors, but are modelled 
after his. 

His work does not stand alone; we must remember that 
such sermons as the Blickling Homilies were written a little 
earlier than his, and that the Old English translations of the 
gospels were made near the close of the tenth century. But 
he was the most efficient of the writers of his time; none be- 
fore him had written such urgent, impressive reproofs to the 
shepherds of the people; none had attained to such dignity, 
fullness, and power of discourse. It was reserved for him to 
establish the reformatory movement among the English, and 
to gather its fruits. His fame is to be compared with that of 
an Aldhelm in an earlier time, and with that of a Wyclif in 
a later riper age. 



CHAPTER VII. 
EXPLODED THEORIES OF CLERIC'S IDENTITY. 

The answers to the questions: Who was ^Elfric, the once 
distinguished ecclesiastical author? What offices did he fill? 
Where and how long did he live? were so completely forgot- 
ten in the twelfth century, that William of Malmeshur}', 
librarian and historian, could claim our author as that abbot 
of his own monastery who in 979' became bishop of Credi- 
ton.^ But, as was shown by Wharton, this was impossible. 
^Ifric, Bishop of Crediton, died four years before the acces- 
sion of Sigeric, Archbishop of Canterbury, to whom .^Ifric 
the aiithor dedicated his Catholic Homilies, and eighteen 
years before the accession of Archbishop Wulfstan of York, 
to whom ^Ifric dedicated stiU another of his undoubted 
works. The fall of Old English culture, which yielded to 
that of the Normans soon after ^Ifric's time, is probably 
the chief cause that almost no information has been received 
from those early centuries concerning his life and works. 

In the sixteenth century attention was directed anew to 
.^Ifric. The reformers began to honor him as their first 
forerunner, and gave themselves to scholarly investigation of 
his personality, which older writers had left undetermined. 
These investigations were quickened by the publication of 
..^Ifric's Sermon on the Paschal Lamh, first, in 1566, by Par- 
ker,^ the second protestant Archbishop of Canterbury, the 
father of Old English studies in England; and again by John 
Fox, in 1571. It seemed most probable that the highly-val- 
ued scholar who had written so much had held an important 



1 Perhaps a year or two earlier. 

2 See W. Malmesberiensis, Gesta Pontifictim. (Rolls Series), p 406. 

'*ij 3 The first edition is attributed to Parker (1504-1575), whose secretary, Joscelin, wrote 
its preface. In the Biog. Brit.y Lond. 1747, fol., in the article Parker, this rare book is 
described, and ^Ifric is named as Abbot of St. Albans, about 996. 



Exploded Theories of ^I/Tic's Identity. 89 

position in the chiircli. iElfric the author was a pupil of St. 
^thelwold. But .^Ifric, Bishop of Wilton (989-995), and 
afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, was also a pupil of St. 
^thelwold; in him they thought they could find ^Ifric the 
author. This view was brought forward by Bale and by Pits 
in their works on the authors of Britain, and was strength- 
ened by the opinions of historians like Camden and Bishop 
Usher. It Avas introduced by Junius into manuscripts and 
catalogues, ' and after the Civil War was accepted by Wanley 
(1691), Elstob, Lewis, and others. Still later it was defended 
in a learned treatise by Edward Eowe Mores, De JElfrico 
Doroverniae (Cantuariae) Archiepiscopo Commentarius, pub- 
lished by Joseph Thorkelin, London, 1789. This opinion 
was the prevailing one up to the middle of this century, and 
has been repeated again and again in more recent years. It 
was that of Henry, the historian, of Watt, the bibliographer, 
and also of writers who have drawn up more in detail the 
circumstances of ^Ifric's life, such as Norman, and Thomas 
Wright, the author of the Biographia Britannia Literaria. ^ 
The larger encyclopaidic works of Germany and France 
allowed themselves to be deceived by it. The Halle Ency- 
clopaedia based its short article of 1819 only upon Mores' 
Treatise; and the Biographie Universelle in the first supple- 
mentary volume of 1834, where ^Ifric's writings are treated 
very inadequately; the Nouvelle Biographie Generale, 1855; 
and Meyer's Conversations-Lexikon, 1879, all accepted the 
same theory. 

This identification of ^Ifric the author with the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury who died in 1005, is indeed unten- 
able.^ Whari;on in 1691, in his thorough study of the sub- 



1 In the catalogue of manuscripts found in the second part of Hickes' Thesaurus (1705). 

2 Lingard at first adopted this theory, but writes later : ' A more minute and 
patient inquiry has convinced me, that there exists no sufficient reason to believe that 
jElfric the translator was ever raised to the episcopal bench, much less to either of the 
archiepiscopal thrones.' Hist, and Antiqs. of the A. -S., Ch. II, 453, London, 1845. 

syElfric: monk at Abingdon, and there pupil of ^thelwold; probably Abbot of St. 
Albans, 969-989 or 990 ; Bishop of Wilton, 989 or 990-995 ; Archbishop of Canterbury, 995- 
1005 (Nov. j6). 



90 Exploded Theories of ^-ElfHc's Identity. 

ject, Dissertatio de Elfrico Archiepiscopo Cantuar, utrum 
is fueril Elfricus Grammaticus/ disproved it from the pre- 
face to ^-Elfric's Life of /Ethelwold. This biography is dedi- 
cated to Bishop Kenulph, who in 1006 succeeded Alphege 
at Winchester, when the latter, on the death of iElfric, Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, became primate. As Kenulph could 
not receive a dedication addressed to him as bishop earlier 
than 1006, the Abbot ^Ifrie who there addresses him could 
not be the ^Elfric who died in the previous year after ten 
years' service as archbishop. After Wharton explained this 
the defenders of the opinion were obliged to deny the Vita 
/Ethehvoldi to the author ^Elfric, who so often boasted of 
his education by ethelwold, and that, too, in spite of the 
direct testimony of the manuscript and of William of Malmes- 
bury. They were also forced tO' reject ^Ifric's authorship 
of the Pastoral Letters for Wulfstan/ which in themsel-ves 
bear every mark of authenticity. The letters to Archbishop 
Wulfstan were written by an Abbot y5^]lfrie. But Wulfstan 
did not become archbishop until ^Ifric of Canterbury had 
been archbishop seven years. 

If we compare more closely ^Ifric the scholar with ^1- 
fric the Archbishop, their identity is in the highest degree 
improbable. The noble love which the author felt for the 
fatherland he expressed by constant efforts for the education 
of the clergy and the laity, and for their elevation he devoted 
himself as a scholar to the production of numerous writings 
in the language of the people. What we know of him with 
certainty from his own mouth shows him as a humble, con- 
scientious and diffident nature. JElirie the archbishop, ac- 
cording to the testimony of Antiquitates Britannicce, stood at 
the head of the citizens of Canterbury against the Danes for 
the defence of his church and city.^ His last will, which has 



1 See Appendix I. 

2 Mores and Wright. 

3 'Alfricius, ubi plures annos Cantuariensis ecclesiara ab incursu crudeli Dacorum pie 
fortiterque defendisset.' Matt. Parker, Ve Antiq. Brit. Eccles., p 136. 



Exploded Theories of JElfric's Identity. 91 

fortunately been preserved/ helps us to know him better. 
In this will he bequeaths to the king sixty helmets, sixty 
hauberks, and his best ship; to the cities of. Canterbury and 
Wilton, each one ship; to the monastery of St. Albans, three 
estates, his books and his tent. What remains is to be dis- 
posed of at the discretion of Bishop Wulfstan and Abbot Lfeo- 
fric, probably his own brother. There follow some smaller 
bequests of valuables, among which is a psalter which his 
friend Bishop Wulfstan is to receive. But there is not 
a word of mention of any of those writings for whose preser- 
vation the Grammarian ^Ifric was most solicitous. In 
short, either everything which we learn from ^Elfric's works 
as to his chaxacter and education is false, or this rich, warlike 
archbishop, with his splendid household in Canterbury, is 
quite another man. 

Furthermore, in all else that has come down to us there is 
not a trace that /Elfric the Archbishop shone in his time as 
an author, or even as a scholar. Gervasius names him only as 
a man of distinguished holiness. The sole witness that the 
friends of this opinion have known how to bring forward is 
that of the anonymous biographer of Dunstan, a contempo- 
rary of both ^Ifrics. But what witness does he bear? He 
dedicates his life ( f Dunstan to the Archbishop, but only in 
general terms, 'on account of his very great wisdom, which is 
known to all, and the extremely great kindness with which 
he adorned his distinguished office.'^ 

In this there is witness borne to such an education and ex- 
perience as befitted a pupil of yEthelwold who had risen 
to the archbishopric, but there is nothing about remarkable 
scholarship; nothing, in brief, about the services which an 



\Y^^rx^\e^^ Codex Diplomat. Anglo-Saxonum III, 351: also, in Earle's Land Char- 
ters and Saxonic Documents, pp. 222-224. In this will the cloisters and cities in which 
the archbishop had previously lived, are remembered in due succession ; Abingdon, where 
he was a monk and a pupil of ^thelwold ; St. Albans, where he was Abbot (according 
to Ranulf de Diceto and Eadmer's Li/c of Oswald); Wilton, where he was bishop ; and 
Canterbury. 

2 'Ob enormitatem divulgatae peritiae, perque magnificam placidam privilegii digni- 
tatem.' From Preface to Li/e of Dunstan : Memorials of St. Dunstan. (Rolls Series) , 
p. 3- 



92 Exploded Theories of JElfric^s Identity. 

author would have been able to extol in ^^Ifric, the great 
preacher, biographer, and teacher of the people, not even 
that which William of Malmesbury knew how to praise in 
iElfric the writer. Tradition ascribes no writing to the 
Archbishop except a liturgy, which was still in use at St. Al- 
bans in Leland's time.' 

But there are besides, authentic data in the life of yElfric 
the theologian, which can in no way be reconciled with the 
known career of the southern archbishop. The author of the 
Catholic Homilies conceived the first idea of them at the Ab- 
bey of Cernel, whither he was sent by Alphege II, Bishop of 
Winchester (984-1006). This must have happened in or after 
987, for in that year Cemel was founded anew by ^thelmser, 
and the same thane had requested that a good Benedictine be 
sent there to train the monks. At this time the ^Ifric who 
was later archbishop was already Abbot of St. Albans, and by 
989 or 990 he was Bishop of Wilton, The monastery of St. 
Albans in Mercia was under the Bishop of Dorchester. How 
then came a Mercian abbot to be sent on a mission to AYessex, 
not by his superior, the Bishop of Dorchester, but by the 
Wessex bishop? not to mention that, by ecclesiastical law, 
an abbot was not allowed to be absent a long time from his 
monastery. 

Our ^Ifric was at this time, as we have seen, nothing 
beyond a priest, and lived in Winchester itself, so that his 
spiritual superior, Alphege, was the one who sent him. Other 
and more important historical allusions in ^Ifric's works, 
which exclude the southern archbishop, are spoken of else- 
where. Yet what has been brought forward here is quite 
sufficient to preclude forever the opinion which has been dis- 
cussed. It has been possible to defend it only by repeated 
dictatorial statements. Whoever ascribes to the Archbishop 
of Canterbury the writings of Abbot ^Ifric, has to declare 
two of the least suspicious works, and the homily written for 



I 'Alfricum * * * quem constat D. Albani Liturgiam, qua etiam nunc monachi 
ibidem utuntur, exarasse.' Leiand, De Script. Brit, I, 170; but see Die. Nat. B. I. 162. 



Exploded Theories of jElfric's Identity. 93 

Bishop ^thelwold II, who became bishop in 1007, not to be 
genuine; to strike ont well-attested facts in the life of the 
Archbishop, and to bring the strangest inconsistencies into 
the character of the author ^Ifric. 

Another current theory, that vElfric Archbishop of York 
from 1023 till 1051, was the author, is defended in detail and 
with great discretion by Wharton in the treatise mentioned 
above. It commends itself in that the designations priest 
and abbot which ^Ifric gives himself in his prefaces remain 
undisturbed. According to this supposition his archbishopric 
fell after the completion of all or nearly all of his literary 
works. Only we must reject, in order not to stretch the life 
of the author to an improbable length, Wharton's theory 
that he was the ^Ifric born in 952, who worked on the 
Saxon Chronicle, a theory improbable also from internal evi- 
dence. 

But indeed the liistorical character of the northern arch- 
bishop looks very unlike the gentle mind of the author of 
the Homilies. ^Ifric of York was especially 'detested by 
the people.' William of Malmesbury' says that by his coun- 
sel Hardioanute caused the body of his brother Harold to 
be beheaded and thrown into the Thames; and he says, fur- 
ther, that when vexed against the people of Worcester, who 
did not receive him to that bishopric, he incited the same 
king, on the occasion of a resistance to the royal officers, to 
plunder Worcester and to set it on fire. We have these facts 
from the mouth of an inhabitant of Worcester, and of a 
Norman writer who is most to be believed when he says any- 
thing unfavorable of the clergy. ^ Such an JEXhic could not 

I '^Ifricus habetur in hoc detestabilis, quod Hardacnutus ejus consilio fratris sui 
Haroldi cadavere, etc. Quin et Wigorniensibus pro repulsa episcopatus infensus, auctor 
Hardacnuto fuit, ut, quia pertinatuis illi exactoribus regiorum vectigalium obstiterant, 
urbera incenderet, fortunasciviumabraderet.' William of Malmesbury, ''Gesta Pontifictim,^ 
III, us. 

See also Matt. Paris, Chronica Majora I, 513, Rolls Series. 

2 The first, Florence of Wor.; the second, Wm. of Malmes. 'Rex ^Elfricura Ebora- 
censem archiepiscopum, Godwinum comitem, etc. Lundoniam misit, et ipsius Haroldi cor- 
pus effodere, et in gronnam projicere jussit.' 

'Rex, ira commotus, Thuri, Leofricum, et caeteros, ^Ifrico Wigornensem pontificatura 
tenente, illo misit, mandans ut omnes viros, occiderent, civitatem depraedatam incende- 
rent.' Florence of Worcester's Chronicle^ Thorpe's edition, I, 194, 195-6. 

7 



94 Exploded Theories of .■Slfric's Identity. 

have gone forth from the training of /Ethehvold, the noble 
friend of the people. To such actions that ^Ifric could 
not sink who had dedicated his whole previous life to the 
culture of the people as no one before him had done. One 
of the last defenders of Wharton's view, Thorpe, the editor 
of the Catholic Homilies, has therefore placed in contrast 
with those stories about the archbishop a passage of the 
Saxon Chronicle, where he is called a reverend and wise 
man. It is indeed possible that tradition has given him a 
worse character than he deserves, but that any one could in- 
vent such stories about him would be sufficient ground for 
keeping him at a distance from the popular author who was 
of such a different spirit, and manifestly worthy of praise. 

It is a suspicious circumstance that the Archbishop ^Ifric 
of York has the surname Puttoc, while not a single one of all 
the extant manuscripts of ^Ifric's works has any title ap- 
pended to the author's name save that of abbot. 

But if it be allowed that learning and literary activity may 
have been passed over or forgotten in ^Ifric of York, the 
fact remains that his earlier life does not agree with that of 
the monk and abbot ^Ifric. The succession of bishops in 
England is now satisfactorily known; their chronology is in 
most instances in the tenth and eleventh centuries, well as- 
certained. In 1023, the year that ^Ifric became archbishop, 
no bishop's seat which had been filled by an ^Ifric became 
vacant. Thus he became archbishop immediately after being 
abbot, or perhaps prior or provost. Relying upon Ralph de 
Diceto and Florence of Worcester, who say that ^Ifric Put- 
toc, Provost of Winchester, became Archbishop of York, 
Wharton maintains that this ^Ifric may have been abbot at 
Winchester. This in general would fit the pupil of ^thel- 
wold. But this can be proved false from still existing docu- 
ments. ^Ifric, the writer, as Wliarton admits, must have 
been settled as abbot in 1005. At that time there were but 
three abbeys in Winchester, and in none of these was there 
an abbot of the name of /Elfric who could have become arch- 



Exploded Theories of /Elfric^s Identity. 95 

bishop in 1023. By the testimony of the historians he was 
provost at Winchester when he received the call to York. 
Thus, without degradation from the abbacy held in 1005, he 
could not have been provost in 1033. He appears to have 
been one of those who through the favor of a king have been 
quickly lifted from a lower ecclesiastical position to the high- 
est, and who then have become either tools without wills of 
their own, or ambitious incumbents, and he has nothing in 
common with the teacher of the people, Abbot ^Ifric. This 
last theory, which proceeded, as it appears, from Spelman, 
has been widely received. It was defended by Wharton in 
the seventeenth century and accepted by many without fur- 
ther investigation, especially by German scholars. It was re- 
peated in 1830, by Anna Gumey, the author of A Dissection 
of ilie Saxon Chronicle.' Even in 1885, the Dictionary of 
National Biography declared it not to be impossible.^ 

Yet it must be noted that there have always been conserva- 
tive scholars who have hesitated to accept either theory with- 
out more adequate proof. Such are William L'Isle, the edi- 
tor and publisher of ^Ifric's work On the Old and New 
Testament;^ Cave, the bibliographer; and Lingard, in his 
later writings. 

/Elfric's writings are the chief sources of definite informa- 
tion concerning his person and his position. If we trace in 
his prefaces his own testimony, we find that he introduces 
himself in the Homilies, his acknowledged first writing, as 
monk and priest, and 'alumnus Ethehooldif that he gives 
himself merely the title of monk in the prefaces to the second 
part of the Homilies and to his Genesis; that he calls him- 
self 'humilis f rater' in the introduction to the Pastoral Letter 



1 Miss Gurney attempted to prove that yElfric was Abbot of Peterborough. 

2 Note also from T. D. Hardy, Cat. of Brit. Hist. (1862), Vol. I. Pt. II. 587 : ' Mores 
holds .«lfric the Grammarian to have been Archbishop of Canterbury, and iElfric, Abbot 
of Eynshara, afterwards Archbishop of York, to have been the writer of the Life of 
/Eiheiuold ; and this is probably correct.'' 

3 ' Thus as well in his owne Epistles, as in all other books of Sermons in the Saxon 
tongue that I have scene, I finde him alwais called Abbod and onely so called.' Sermo 
Paschalis or Testimony ^ etc. Preface by W. L'Isle. 



96 Exploded Theories of uiElfric^s Identity. 

for Wulfsige, and 'humilis servulus ClirisW in the Latin pref- 
ace to the second volume of Homilies. In the Grammar, and 
in the Saints' Lives, he gives only his name ^Ifric, but his 
subordinate position shows itself in the latter, where he greets 
the ealdorman ^thelweard, not ^friendlily' but 'dutifully/ for 
abbots as well as bishops were the equals of the ealdormen, 
and indeed sometimes take precedence of them in the docu- 
ments of the time. In his five other writings which have 
dedications he gives himself the title of abbot. As such he 
sends to the Eeverend Bishop Kenulph of Winchester, to 
Archbishop Wulfstan of York, and to the brethren of 
Eynsham, his greeting in Christ, and greets 'friendlily' the 
thanes Sigeferth and Wulfgeat. As has been shown, these 
last five books belong to the eleventh century, the ones 
before-named to the last decade of the tenth. Thus there 
is an historical advance in iElfric's titles; up to a certain 
time he calls himself monk or mass-priest, after that abbot. 
The position of abbot, we must believe, is the highest that 
he ever occupied, but English scholars have repeatedly as- 
serted that he! designates himself as bishop. It is true that a 
copyist of a manuscript calls him such, but in contradiction 
of the author's own words. And again, the copy of ^Ifric's 
Pastoral Letter for Wulfstan, prepared in the seventeenth cen- 
tury by Junius and now in Oxford, has the rubric, Insigne 
fragmentum epistolae ah JEIfrico Episcopo scriptae to gehad- 
edum mannum h. e. ad jam nunc ordinatos. But this super- 
scription is modem in its whole content. It is plainly 
nothing but the conclusion of Juniusor his scribe from the 
opening words of the Pastoral Letter, ^JJ^ bisceopum gedafenaS' 
('It is fitting for us bishops'). It was said by Wharton that a 
codex of yElfric's Pastoral Letter for Wulfstan in the librarj'- 
of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, named yElfric in the 
superscription as bishop. But Wharton probably confused 
the original with the copy, the manuscript prepared by 
Junius from the Cambridge one, and now at Oxford.' The 

I Bodl. Lib. Jun. 45. cf. Bodl. 4. 12 ; C. C. C. C. B. 4. 



Exploded Theories of ^Ifric's Identity. 97 

original has neither superscription nor prologue. All the other 
old manuscripts which have the prologue, begin, Prologus 
venerabilis JElfrici dbbatis. JElfricus ahhas Wulfstano ven- 
erahili Archiep. salutem, etc. The matter is explained very 
simply by the consideration that the letter was written for 
and in the name of Wulfstan, who as Archbishop of York 
and Bishop of Worcester, was to send it forth to his clergy. 
In the words, ^it is fitting for us bishops,' the spiritual head 
speaks, not the abbot who had been commisioned by Wulfstan 
to give in Old English tlie earlier Latin hortatory letter. 
^Ifric again clearly designates himself as subordinate in the 
words with which the preface begins: 'Since I have rendered 
obedience to the commands of Your Grace and trans- 
lated the two letters.' That is not the address of one who 
has the episcopal dignity. If we could decide from this let- 
ter that he held that position, we could conclude with equal 
justice from the sentence in the first pastoral letter, that for 
Wulfsige: 'We bishops decided when we were convened,' 
that ^Ifric who calls himself monk in the preface was al- 
ready a bishop. Indeed, the expression 'humilis fratei-^ used 
in this last connection has been adduced as a proof that he 
was a bishop addressing a bishop, but this is quite against the 
sense of this expression and contradicts the testimony of the 
whole preface, and his plain statement to Wulfsige: 'Nos vero 
scriptitavimus banc epistolam, quae anglice sequitur, quasi ex 
tuo ore dictata sit.' It has even been ascribed to modesty that 
/Elfric gives himself no higher titles, but Wharton and his 
followers forbore to make any such preposterous claim for 
the simple, unaffected sense of yElfric's words. We con- 
fess that we do not understand the modesty which, instead 
of continuing to remain hidden behind the title of monk, is 
immodest enough to appear always after a definite time with 
the title of abbot, which conferred no small honor among the 
Old English. 

The opinion that he held a higher rank after the period of 
his literary activity is doubtful when viewed in the light of 



98 Exploded Theories of yElfric's Identity. 

external testimony. At a time when his whole life was mani- 
fest, a time not too far removed from his death, when men 
could not yet have forgotten him, they mnst necessarily call 
him hy his latest title, both on account of propriety, and to 
distinguish him from the many clergy of the same name. 
But to the writers and transcribers of those early centuries he 
was known only by the title of abbot, there is no dissenting 
voice. The last ray of possibility of episcopal or archiepis- 
copal position for ^Ifric disappears in the testimony of a 
man who positively could not have forgotten who ^Ifric was, 
that of yElfric Bata, the pupil of our much mistaken ^Ifric, 
whose unquestionably reliable witness comes to us in a manu- 
script from the eleventh century itself. This man says in 
the enlarged glossed dialogue of his teacher: 'This 
Latin composition Abbot ^Ifric, who was my teacher, 
wrote some time ago (olim), but I, ^Ifric Bata, have never- 
theless added to it many things.' The use of olim does not 
permit us to suppose that the teacher was still alive, for he 
would then have been called venerahilis or honordbilis. 

Finally, unlike Dunstan and ^thelwold, there were no 
kings among .^Ifric's patrons. Unusual education and lit- 
erary influence were not combined in him with a strongly 
aspiring tendency. Besides, among the Old English the 
priest had a considerable dignity, he stood in the ranks of the 
thanes or landed gentry, and abbots were equal to dukes, and 
were always independent of the bishops and respected at the 
king's court. Bede, who was more significant as a theologian 
than ^Ifric, and to whom seventy manuscripts are ascribed, 
never advanced further than the office of mass-priest. 

The chief points of refutation of the theories which have 
been considered, we summarize as follows: 

1. ^Ifric, Bishop of Crediton, cannot have been yElfric 
the scholar, for the following reasons: 

(a) He died in 985, four years before the accession of 
Archbishop Sigeric, to whom the first writings of 
yElfric were dedicated; and 



Exploded Theories of ^Ifric's Identity. 99 

(b) Seventeen years before the accession of Archbishop 
Wnlfstan, for whom ^Ifric wrote a pastoral letter. 

2. yElfric cannot have been the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, for these reasons: 

(a) He dedicates his Life of JEthelwold to Bishop 
Kennlph of Winchester, who became bishop after the 
death of ^Ifric of Canterbnry. 

(b) As Abbot ^Ifric he writes a pastoral letter for 
Archbishop Wnlfstan, who became Archbishop of 
York in 1002. It was then at least twelve years since 
^Ifric of Canterbury left his abbacy at St. Albans, 
and seven years since he became archbishop. 

(c) The character of yElfric does not correspond with 
that of the Archbishop of Canterbury. The first was 
a scholar and taught especially that the clergy should 
not bear arms; the second was warlike, and possessed 
armor and ships to bequeath to his king and his cities. 

(d) jSTone of the cities mentioned in Archbishop 
^Ifric's will are those associated with the author 
^Ifric, nor does the will mention the writings for 
whose preservation Abbot ^Elfric was solicitous. 

(e) Tradition does not ascribe special scholarship to 
the Archbishop of Canterbury. 

3. ^Ifric cannot have been Archbishop of York, for 
these reasons: 

(a) ^^Ifric of York died in 1051. Had the author 
lived until that time he would have been about ninety- 
six years old, but no notice of such gi'eat age is found 
in any of the records of the Archbishop of York. 

(b) The Archbishop of York was hated by the people, 
and was the ready serv-ant of an unpopular king. 
yElfric the writer was a friend of the people in all that 
Ave know of him, until sixty years of age. It is incon- 
ceivable that when more than eighty years of age he 



100 Exploded Theories of JElfric^s Identity. 

was actively engaged in cruel treatment of the people, 
or even that such cruel stories could have been in- 
vented about him. 

(c) The archbishop's surname, Puttoc, is never joined 
to the name of Abbot ^Ifric. 

(d) There is no evidence whatever that the Arch- 
bishop of York ever held an abbacy, but every proba- 
bility is against it. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

^LFRIC'S HOMILIES. 

►-t 'T? ^Ifric, monk and priest, although less able 

^ , .. than is fitting for such offices, was sent in King 
TT .J. ^thelred's day, by Bishop Alphege, ^thelwold's 
successor, to a monastery called Cemel, at the re- 
quest of ^thelmrer the thane, whose birth and goodness are 
known everywhere. Then the thought came to me, I trust 
through God's grace, that I would translate this book from 
Latin into English; not from confidence of great learning, 
but because I saw and heard of much error in many English 
books, which unlearned men in their simplicity esteemed 
great Avisdom; and I was grieved that they neither knew, nor 
had the gospel teachings in their language, except those who 
knew Latin, and except the books which King Alfred wisely 
turned from Latin into English.' 

Thus yElfric relates the origin of his first and most im- 
portant writing. It was the direct outcome of his practical 
life as an educator and preacher. 

This work, the great collection of homilies for Sundays and 
the general feast-days of the year, was appropriately named 
by Wheloc, Catholic Homilies, in distinction from those 
which were written for festivals celebrated only in the mon- 
asteries. It is divided by ^Ifric into two parts, each one of 
which has a Latin preface addressed to Archbishop Sigeric, 
and an English preface on the origin and plan of the work. 
The volumes are not divided according to the two halves of 
the church year, but each runs through the whole year. Yet 
not all the common Sundays are provided with homilies. For 
example, there are in the two parts only ten for the twenty- 
seven Sundays after Trinity, here called Sundays after Pente- 
cost. On the other hand, there are nine feast-days doubled, 



102 ^I/He's Homilies. 

or provided with a separate homily in each book. Except 
these nine, the second volume takes np Sundays and feast- 
days which are not considered in the first. ^Ifric gives the 
number of homilies as forty in each part, and eighty in all, 
although in the preface to the first he says that ^thelweard 
wished to have forty-four in his copy of that volume. The 
manuscripts do not show exactly eighty in all. Thorpe in 
his edition gives forty in the first part, and forty-five in the 
second. 

This last number is made up of thirty-nine of the original 
collection, with six appended. Following the thirty-ninth is 
the author's apology, in which he writes: 'Many excellent 
gospels we omit in this work. These he may translate who 
will. We dare not lengthen this book much more, lest it be 
out of due proportion, and repel men by its size. "We will 
nevertheless include in it a few discourses of a general nature, 
about apostles, and martyrs, confessors, and holy women, to 
the Saviour's praise.' Then follow six homilies of the kind 
described. 

^Ifric's repeated assertions make it certain that the sec- 
ond part once contained just forty homilies. The fortieth 
may have been the second discourse on Midlent Sunday, or 
the one on St. James the apostle included in the numbering 
with that for Philip and James. The four which ^thel- 
weard wished to have may perhaps be found in the supple- 
ment to the second part. 

No strict line separates the subjects treated in the second 
volume from those in the first. Yet it can be said of the 
first, that it has a larger proportion of scriptural and 
exegetical content; of the second, that it contains more of 
legend and of history. Eight homilies of the first are legend- 
ary, sixteen of the second. More instruction directly from 
the Bible is found in the first, which is especially devoted to 
teaching about God the Creator, the Trinity, the person and 
work of Christ, and the sin and redemption of man. 

The second part especially sets forth ecclesiology and the 



^If Tic's Homilies. 103 

means of gi'ace through the church. It is in this that in- 
struction on baptism and on the Lord's Supper are found. 
Here, too, are the stories of Gregory, and the founding of the 
Enghsh Church; of Cuthbert, one of the great apostles of 
the English; of Benedict, whose monastic foundations had 
been strengthened anew in ^Ifric's own days. Three of the 
homilies of the appendix relate to Christ's second coming in 
judgment, and the final purification of the church.' 

From the Latin and English prefaces it is clear that ^Ifric 
himself issued at least two editions. The Latin prefaces ad- 
dressed to Archbishop Sigeric of Canterbury, who assumed 
that office in 990, with their requests for Sigeric's correction 
of the manuscripts, must have been written as early as 994, 
the year in which the Archbishop died. But the English 
preface to the first volume Avas probably written or revised 
in a time long subsequent to 994. ^Ifric says in this, that 
he was sent to Cernel in the day of King ^thelred, as if that 
day were now past. yEthelred died in 1016. Again, the tone 
in which he writes is not that of one who speaks of a work 
Just completed, but of one who surveys his own action in past 
time. In the passage quoted above he says, 'I was grieved 
that they neither knew nor had the gospel teachings in their 
language.' Were his work one not yet given to the public, 
he would have used the present tense. The same can be said 
of another passage in the preface: 'For this cause I presumed, 
trusting in God, to undertake this task.' Yet at the same 
time it is true that several particulars of the preface are 
especially suitable for the first edition. Such is the emphasis 
placed upon the expected end of the world; the defense, by a 
passage in Ezekiel, of his presumption in undertaking so ex- 
alted a work; and what is there written of the need of book- 
learning to strengthen men against temptation. Still further, 
it is not improbable that the appended sermons of the second 



I Many of the homilies are wholly or in part metrical. Such are Hotn. I, 156 f; Horn. 
II, 132 f, 212 f, 240 {, 298 f, 302 f, 308 f, 314 f, 332 f, 498 f. 



104 ^Ifric's Homilies. 

volume were added to an edition later than the first, when 
yElfric had on hand sermons not incorporated in any collec- 
tion. 

^Ifric makes no claim to originality in his homilies. In 
the Latin preface to Volume I he names six authors as sources 
of his work: Augustine, Jerome, Bede, Gregory, Smaragdus 
and Haymo. He also gives the original author in the case of 
individual homilies. A careful investigation of his sources 
has been made by Dr. Max Forster, who reaches the follow- 
ing results:' 

1. 'The Catholic Homilies of Abbot ^Elfric are derived in 
the largest measure from Gregory's homilies. Next to Greg- 
ory in the amount contributed stand Bede, Augustine and a 
number of legends, which include, beside single legends, the 
Abdias collection. In the third degree of importance aa 
sources are Smaragdus, Jerome and Haymo. To these should 
be added occasional contributions from Alcuin, Amalarius, 
Cassian, Ratramnus, Gregory of Tours, Eufinus, and the 
Vitae Patrum. 

2. ^Ifric, in comparison with other translators — for ex- 
ample. King Alfred and the translator of the Blickling Hom- 
ilies — has preserved a complete independence and freedom, 
even where he follows an original. He often derives from his 
sources the substance of thought, but clothes it entirely in 
his own language. 

3. So long as no other sources are pointed out, we must 
admit that ^Ifric, in additions and in longer explanations 
than his originals show, made much use of traditional teach- 
ings current in his time.'^ 

It was .^Ifric's earnest desire that these two volumes 
should be kept intact, not mingled with the writings of 
others, and not carelessly transcribed. The only liberty he 
allows is that of arranging the sermons of the two volumes 
together according to the church year. In the preface of 



\Anglia i6, 59-60. 2 See Appendix II. 



yElfric's Homilies. 105 

Yohime II he says: 'I have placed the translations which 1 
have made in two books, because I thought it would be less 
tedious to listen if one book were read in one year and the 
other in the next/ 'Before each homily we have placed the 
argument in Latin; nevertheless, if any one wishes, he may 
arrange the chapters each according to its preface.' 

The last sermon of the second volume is followed by a 
prayer of thanksgiving. 'With all. my heart I thank the" 
Almighty Creator, that he has granted to me, a sinner, to 
unfold, for his praise and honor, these two books to the un- 
learned among the English people. The learned have no need 
of them, for their own learning will suffice them. I say now, 
that hereafter I will not translate the gospel or gospel exposi- 
tions from Latin into English.' If any one chooses to trans- 
late more, I beg him for the love of God, to keep his book 
separate from the two books which we have translated, as we 
trust by the guidance of God. To Him be glory to eternity.' 
These desires of yElfric in regard to his books were observed 
by copyists with considerable fidelity. But as the personal 
tradition of ^Ifric faded, his request came to have less 
weight, and the makers of manuscripts became less careful to 
keep his homilies apart from those of others. There are ac- 
cordingly to be distinguished three classes of manuscripts of 
this work. 

I. Manuscripts which preserve the two volumes of homilies 
separate from each other. These must be the oldest, or, if not, 
copies of the oldest. The best of these is the one upon which 
Thorpe has based his edition — that of the University Library 
at Cambridge. It contains both parts, with all of ^Ifric's 
prefaces and some of his later writings. Another manuscript 
in this class is that in the British Museum, Reg. 7, C.XIL 
This gives only the first volume and no prefaces. The ser- 
mons are the same as in the first manuscript, but the thirty- 
eighth is divided into two, making forty-one in all. The 



I This thanksgiving may have been added to the second edition. 



106 JElfric^s Homilies. 

above named manuscripts belong to ^Ifrie's own time. MS. 
188 (eariier JS^o. S. 7), Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 
contains Volume I, but without prefaces. Instead of the first 
sermon on the Creation stands another on the same subject; 
a few sermons are divided into two parts, and one, On the 
Birthday of the Virgi7i, is inserted after the one on the be- 
heading of John the Baptist. As an appendix is one On the 
Birthday of a Confessor; not the one in the appendix of the 
second volume, but that from the text 'Vigilate ergo' which is 
published by Assmann in the third volume of Grein's 
Bihliothek der Angelsdchsischen Prosa.^ These additions ap- 
pear to justify the claim that ^Ifric caused a third edition 
of his homilies, in which he provided for that feast of Mary 
which had been before passed over, and added the last 
homily, of which lie expressly states that although it was 
written at the request of Bishop iEthelwold II of Winchester, 
yet he was to have a copy for himself.^ 

II. Manuscripts in which all the sermons of the two volumes 
are arranged together according to the order of the church year. 
The Cotton Codex, Vitell. C. 5, contains a better arrange- 
ment than that of any other manuscript of this class. It 
extends through the whole church year, from Christmas to 
the Second Advent. It has the first sermon of ^Ifric's first 
volume, De Init. Creat., but that is preceded by a homily on 
the Trinity and the Feast-days of the Year; it contains a new 
Christmas sermon, several additional ones for Sundays after 
Pentecost, and then the usual ones to Second Advent. From 
there begins an appendix of Lenten sermons for week days, 
which are probably ^Ifric's. 

The Bodl. Lib. MSS. NE. F. 4, 10 and 11, contain a re- 
arrangement of the two volumes. The second manuscript, 
wliich contains forty-six sermons, is arranged with especial 
care and accuracy, and from the second edition of the Hom- 



1 'This MS., written before the Conquest, was once ^Ifric's own property.' Wanley. 
Even if this is not the case, it is without doubt copied from one of his own. 

2 See p. log. 



uElfric's Homilies. 107 

ilies, since it contains its appendix. The first manuscript has 
but thirty-four sermons. 

III. Mixed manuscripts. This class, the most numerous 
of all, places ^Ifric's homilies indiscriminately among those 
of other authors. Here belong Bodl. Lib. Jun. 22; 24, and 
NE. F. 4. 12; the Cott. MSS., Yesp. D. 14; Vitell. D. 17; 
Faustina A. 9; Cambridge MSS. C. C. C. 1G2 (S. 5); (S. 8); 
302 (S. 9); and others. 

Noteworthy is one of the Ck.mbridge manuscripts, C. C. C. 
178 (S. G). Its scribe explains that he has placed twenty-four 
sermons in two books; tliat he has enlarged two of the first 
twelve from other sermons, but has left the other twenty-two 
entirely according to their old arrangement. Of the second 
book, he explains that they are from the books which Abbot 
^Ifric translated into English, and comparison shows that 
they are all to be found in Thorpe's edition of the Homilies. 
The homilies of this second book are arranged together in 
reference to the life of Christ, from the AnBunciation to the 
day of Pentecost. Some of the sermons in the first book are 
taken from the Catholic Homilies, some from the Saints' 
Lives, and it is most probable that all are ^Ifric's work. 

From the description of this manuscript by G. E. MacLean 
(Anglia 6. 438-9) we quote the following paragraphs. 

'It is quite possible that in this well-compacted and ar- 
ranged Codex we have a manual edition of selected works, 
such as the practical ^Ifric later in life authorized. The 
evidence for this theory is not wanting. The older Benedic- 
tine Bides bound in the Codex show its use as a hand-book.' 

'The arrangement of Codex C finely combines an ideal 
order of thought with the ecclesiastical year. The first ser- 
mons of the first Book, (1) De Initio Creaturae,(2) Exameron, 
(3) Interrogationes, are logically enough placed at the be- 
ginning, and in their order set forth (1) creation, (2) its 
progress, (3) its philosophy and practical trials for man. 
Then (4) Dom. IIII, post Pen., in which the publicans and 
sinners draw near to Christ, and the lost are sought by Him, 



108 JElfric^s Homilies. 

speaks of sympathy and help for man. The course then goes 
on to prayer, and finally to the field of morals, closing with 
the immoralities, and the crowning of immorality in 'De, 
Falsis Diis.' Here the need of the manifestation of the true 
God leads to the second Book. The Annunciation, XVIII 
(as now numbered), is first, and then the Birth of Christ. 

'ISText, in contrast with the pure One, a New Year's sermon 
upon the vices is inserted. The regular course of sermons 
upon the Life of Christ follows, illustrating and pledging the 
redemption of the world, and culminating upon the day of 
Pentecost, in the beginning of the new creation.' 

When it is remembered that ^Ifric lived many years after 
the Catholic Homilies were written, preaching and teaching 
all his life long, it will not seem strange that single sermons 
should have been added later to those volumes, or should also 
be found not placed in any collection, nor will it seem impos- 
sible that he may have authorized the arrangement of other 
volumes. Whether or not the order of this last manuscript 
is due to ^Ifric, it belongs to a time not far removed from 
him. According to MacLean, the manuscript may be as- 
signed to about 1075. 

Thorpe's edition is the only one, but separate homilies are 
printed in many books. 

In an edition of the first volume of 
Homily on the Qatholic Homilies, that found in MS-. 

Birth of the Virgin. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^gg ^^^^^^ ^^^ g 7),^lfric 

has inserted a homily for the Birthday of the Virgin (see p. 
106). He had confessedly omitted this day in his first edition: 
Sve have not written about it,' he says (Hom. II, 446), 'lest we- 
fall into some error. The gospel of this day is very difficult 
for laymen to understand.' When at length he decides to 
provide a homily for this festival, he guards against the afore- 
mentioned heresy thus: 'we will not give the false story which 
heretics have told of Mary's birth, for wise teachers have 
forbidden it; nor speak of her death, for holy writers do not 
permit it. Her holy father was named Joachim, and her 



^Ifric's Homilies. 109 

mother, Anna. They lived in honorable marriage under 
Moses' law/ 'This day is sacred to the honor of Mary 
throughout all Christendom.' 'We observe the birthdays of 
none others in our church, save of Christ, his pure mother, 
and St. John, who baptized him.' 

After the introduction follows the sermon, 'De Sancta 
Virginitate.' Its theme is. The Holy Church the Bride of 
Christ. 'The Church ever imitates the mother of her Lord,, 
who was a virgin and yet bare the Christ.' The sermon is an 
elaborate plea for celibacy. Its last ninety-two lines con- 
sider the rewards of righteous living. They give first an ex- 
planation of the penny-reward in the parable of the laborers 
in the vineyard, and then treat of the eight beatitudes prom- 
ised by Christ in the Sermon on the Mount. These ninety- 
two lines are found also as the conclusion of the third edition 
of the sermon On Holy Chastity, in MS. Vitell. C. 5. (see p. 
111). 

There are three manuscripts of this homily: (1) Corpus 
Christi College, Camb. 188 (S. 7); (2) C. C. C. C. 303 (S. 17); 
(3) Bodl. Lib., Oxford, Jun. 24. 

This sermon is edited by Assmann in Grein's BibliotheJc der 
Angels dchsiscJien Prosa, Part III. 

A homily from the text, 'Vigilate 

r , r\1m f ^^'^^•' 6tc.,' bears the nibric, 'We have 

a Confessor. lately translated this sermon into 

English at the request of Bishop 
^thelwold the Younger (of Winchester, 1007 to 1012), 
and have had it written in this book, that it may not be lack- 
ing to us when he shall have it.' The homily follows the 
thought of the text closely. It shows the forbearance of God 
by many instances. 'God punishes those who despise him, 
sometimes sooner, sometimes later.' 'Sometimes he waits, as 
Ave said before, for his great patience, that a man may turn 
from his sins if he will.' 'Prophets and wise teachers are set 
to rouse stupid men to action, that if the foolish man does 
not dread the anger of his Lord, he may perhaps have coirec- 



110 ^Ifric's Homilies. 

tion in this world, that thus he niay not perish altogether. 
Everything, even wild beasts, have some terror in this life.' 
'The beasts are subject to man, and we should be subject to 
God.' 

Rhythmical form and position in the manuscripts with 
^Ifric's homilies, render ^Ifric's authorship almost certain. 
The rubric points to the same, and the language and style are 
^Ifric's. 

The manuscripts are the following: (1) C. C. C. C. 188 
(S. 7); (2) C. C. C. C. 178 (S. 6); (3 and 4) Bodl. Lib: Jun. 22 
and 24; (5) Bodl. Lib. 343 = NE. F. 4. 12; (6) Cott. Vitell. D. 
17, almost destroyed. 

This, also is edited by Assmann in Grein's BihliotheTc der 

Angels a chsischen Prosa, Part III. 

'TElivic, Abbot, sends friendly greeting to 

„ °7 Sigeferth. It was told me that thou saidest of 
Chastity. ^ . 

me, that I taught one thing m English writings, 

and that the anchorite on your manor teaches another; for he 

says openly that priests are allowed to marry, and my writings 

deny this. Now I tell thee, dear sir, that I do not like to 

blame my own good friend if he follows the law of God. But 

we ought to utter the divine doctrine which the Saviour 

taught, and we dare not keep silence. His teaching can easily 

reconcile us.' 

With these words of greeting and explanation, ^Ifric sends 
to his friend Sigeferth a homily on chastity, which opens with 
these words: 'Our Saviour Christ declared plainly that he 
loved holy chastity in his servants, when he chose a maiden 
to be his mother.' The writer illustrates his teaching by the 
lives of Christ and the Apostles, and contrasts it with the 
permission to marry under the old law. 

The line of thought which he pursues further is this: 
'There are three orders which are entirely pleasing to God, 
marriage, widowhood, and chastity.' 'They who live wisely 
in marriage will have thirty-fold reward from Christ.' 'They 
who remain widows for Christ's sake will have sixty-fold re- 



^Ifrid's Homilies. Ill 

ward/ and 'they who in the service of Christ live in chastity, 
and in purity of heart from childhood, shall receive an hnn- 
dred-fold reward forever with him.' 'We read of countless 
bishops and monks who lived thus, even as Martin and 
Gregory, Augustine, Basil and Cuthbert, and many others.' 
'And none of them gave permission for any one who was to 
consecrate the eucharist to have a wife.' Also there were 
many holy priests like Bede and Jerome, and wise fathers 
who dwelt in the desert, many thousand, as the Vitce Patrum 
tells us, who served Christ in purity of heart. 

This writing is extant in four manuscripts: (1) Brit. Mus.. 
Cott. Vesp. D. 14- (2) Cott. Faust. A. 9; (3) Cott. Vitell. C. 5; 
(4) Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 302 (earlier No. S. 9). 
The first of these, a MS. of the twelfth century, is the only 
one which contains the preface. In MSS. 2 and 4 the writing 
appears simply as a homily; in MS. 3 it is altered and is much 
longer (seep. 109). Also there is a transcript of the first of 
these, made before it was injured by fire. 

The work as it is found MS. 1 may be a first edition; as in 
MSS. 2 and 4, a second; and in MS. 3, a third. 

The only edition is that of Assmann, in Grein's Bihliothek 
der AngelsdcTisiscTien Prosa, Part III. 

Six lines of personal address to Wulfgeat 
. °"^^J of Ylmandune introduce a discourse in two 

"Wulfeeat. parts, which is in substance, first, a summary 
of Christian doctrine, and second, a sermon. 
In the opening lines -^Ifric speaks of English writings 
which he had formerly lent to Wulfgeat, and of his promise 
to send him more. From 11. 7-85 he gives an outline of the 
teachings which Wulfgeat had received already. They treat 
first of the Trinity; then of the creation and fall of angels; 
of the creation and fall of man; of redemption through the 
incarnation, death and resurrection of Christ; of the ascen- 
sion of Christ; and of the general resurrection and last judg- 
ment. The writings thus summarized may be, as Assmann 
suggests, from the Homilies — perhaps Horn. I., 8-28, which 
follows the same line of thought. 



112 yElfric's Homilies. 

The second part is a sermon from the text, 'Agree with 
thine adversary quickly, whiles thou art with him in the way.' 
Matt. 5, 25. 

The teaching is ascribed to Augustine. The adversary' of 
the text is described as the word of God which we ought to 
obey. The word will work in us like the healing power of a 
physician, like the instruction of a good teacher. The adver- 
sary is really thy friend. Thou lovest drunkenness. This our 
Saviour forbids. Deceive not thy neighbor; it were better 
that each should help the other. God's word forbids all sins 
in this life. This life is the path in which we are to agree 
with our adversary, the word. After it there will be no way 
left us to correct our misdeeds. The word is to be our judge. 
The Saviour bids us all who labor come to Him. He did not 
command us to work in another world, nor to work great 
miracles, but to be gentle in life and meek in heart. "We 
ought to teach the foolish and the careless, else God will 
require their souls at our hands. God grant to us to tell you 
often of his holy love, and to you obedience to turn the teach- 
ing into works. 

This letter is contained in a manuscript in the Bodleian 
library, Oxford, Laud. Misc. 509, formerly Laud. E. 19. An- 
other manuscript in the Bodleian library, Jun. 121, contains 
the second part, the sermon. Still a third one at Oxford, 
Jun. 23, has the whole writing except the seven introductory 
lines to Wulfgeat. 

This writing is found edited by Assmann, in Grein's 

Bibliothelc dcr Angdsdclisisclien Prosa, Part III. 

„ ., T , Three manuscripts of the third class, ' 

Homdy on John ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ 

xi 47-54 
* ' Faust. A. 9, preserve a homily whose style 

arid language are altogether those of ^Ifric. Its superscrip- 
tion, and the gospel reading from which the text is taken, 
assign it to the Friday before Palm Sunday. The theme is 

I See p. 107. 



^Ifric's Homilies. 113 

the prophecy littered by Caiaphas, which is explained and 
applied in the metrical language which ^Ifric often uses in 
his homilies. The sermon shows how the Jews were over- 
taken by the very evils which Caiaphas described. It tells of 
their sufferings in the siege of Jerusalem, when the Romans 
cam.e and destroyed their place and nation, and scattered 
their people. The second part of the sermon considers, first, 
the last clause of John XI, 52, and shows how Christ 
gathered together a people for himself from the heathen 
nations; secondly, the tenure of office of the Jewish high 
priest in the older time and in that of Caiaphas, and the estab- 
lishment of the new priesthood that it might offer the holy 
eucharist 'as a pledge of the purification of our souls.' The 
sermon concludes with Christ's depari;ure for the city of 
Ephraim, by which he gave an example to his disciples, that 
they might flee from persecutors and yet be sinless. 

Assman's edition is printed in Grein's Bihliothek der 
Angelsdchsischen Prosa, Part III. 

__ ,, _ , An alliterative sermon which is doubtless 

liomdy on John _, , . , ^ , , . , . ^ ^ ,, 

/iilinc s bears the superscription: For the 

^^^' ~ ' third Sunday after Easter.' It contains a ref- 
erence to an earlier writing on 'the great sorrows which 
came upon the Jews after the slaying of Christ,' and the 
reference may be to the homily last described, or to any one 
of several others, or a general reference to all, since the sub- 
ject was a favorite one with ^Ifric' 

'For 11. 1-148, the text is John XVI, 16-22; for 11. 149- 
161, he uses Matt. XXVII, 66, and XXVIII, 11-15. For the 
conclusion, beginning with 1. 162, the author gives as his 
source a cranic of Jerome.' 'It must have been an apoc- 
ryphal gospel, apparently related to the Gesta Pilati (cf. 
Tischendorf: Evangelia Apoc. Leipsic, 1876.')^ 

The first part discourses of the sorrows of the disciples 



i' Many woes and great sorrows befell the Jews, as books tell us, and we have already 
related in English writings how they perished.' 
2 Assmann, Bi'i/. der. A.-S. Prosa III, 255. 



114 jElfric^s Homilies. 

and the joy of Christ's persecutors when he was crucified; 
then of the church, the bride of Christ, whose martyrs and 
confessors have suffered, but now dwell with Him. 

The second part gives the Biblical narrative from the 
texts; and the third part tells how Joseph, who buried Jesus, 
was imprisoned by the Jews and rescued by a miracle. 

There is one manuscript of this homily: Trinity College, 
Camb., B. 15, 34, earlier class, a dextra ser. suprem., 163, 26, 
fol. 79-90. 

This sermon is edited by Assmann, in Grein's Bibliotliek der 
Angelsdchsisclien Prosa, Part III. 
Homily on the Among the sermons which ^Ifric wrote 

Sevenfold Gifts of before his work On the Old and New Tes- 
the Spmt. laments, is one on the Sevenfold Gifts of 

the Holy Spirit. 'Sevenfold gifts he grants mankind, of 
which I wrote once in another English writing, even as Isaiah 
the prophet placed it in his prophecy.' This reminiscence of 
^Ifric's in the treatise On the Old Testament is recalled by 
the opening words of a homily on the gifts of the Spirit 
found in several manuscripts, and ascribed by Wanley to 
Archbishop Wulfstan. The words are: 'Isaiah the prophet 
wrote in his prophecy about the Holy Spirit and his seven- 
fold gifts.' Wanley's opinion in regard to the authorship of 
this sermon is derived from the superscription found in sev- 
eral manuscripts: 'Incipiu7it sermones Lupi Episcopi.' It 
has been shown by Napier that in each of the three manu- 
scripts in which this superscription appears, it is followed by 
two sermons: the first, an historical summary of Christian 
teaching; the second, De Fide Catholica. The sermons 
which follow these two in the three different manuscripts do 
not make three corresponding lists: several of them are the 
same in all, while others are different, and there is no cor- 
respondence in relative position. Some of these are to be 
ascribed to Wulfstan, some to ^Ifric, some to other authors. 

I Thus the homily, De Faisis Dii's, is a paraphrase of a part of >EIfric's homily of the 
same title. 



^If Tic's Homilies. 115 

and still others are mere compilations pnt togetlier by the 
transcriber. Thus the authorship of the sermon in question 
is not decided by the rubric' 

In Napier's edition of the homilies ascribed to Wulfstan, 
the seventh and eighth homilies are on the Sevenfold Gifts 
of the Spirit. The second of these is an abridgment of the 
first, which it follows sentence by sentence, for the most part 
literally. It abbreviates the sentences by omitting every- 
thing not necessary for the simplest expression of the 
thought; it omits almost all explanatory and amplifying 
words and clauses, and leaves out entirely the last two-fifths 
of the sermon. Thus the revision is not half as long as the 
original. In the attempt to abridge the homily the reviser 
has sometimes varied constructions, added new words, and 
supplied a closing sentence not found in the first. 

The homily first explains the effect of each of the seven 
gifts upon the man who receives it, and then tells of the 
seven opposite gifts which the devil sends to the hearts of 
men. The last part, not contained in the abridgment, shows 
the bitter evil of hypocrisy and the deceits of antichrist. 

Tbese two forms of the treatise have been studied by D. 
Zimmermann. He decides that I. is an independent sermon 
of ^Ifric's, composed in four-stressed verse, which is to be 
regarded as a supplement to his homily for the day of Pente- 
cost, and may have been written between 1000-1008, per- 
haps in 1005. Zimmermann decides, further, that II. is a 
revision of I. by the same man who arranged in their present 
form many of the seraions which have been ascribed to Wulf- 
stan. ^ 

The first form of the sermon is found complete in MS. 
Bodl. Lib. Jun. 99; in part in C. C. C. C. 201 (S. 18); the 
second form in Bodl. Lib. NE. F. 4, 12; Jun. 23 and Jun. 24; 
Cott. Tib. C. VI; Cambridge, Trinity Coll. 



1 See Napier's Uber die Werke des AHenglischen Erzbisckofs JVu!/stan, pp. 7-9. 

2 See Anglia. 11. 535 f. 



116 ^Ifric's Homilies. 

The sermon on penitence which Thorpe has 
printed at the end of Catholic Homilies II., is a free 
Penitence, ^.g^^^gpij^g ^f ^ part of Hom. I. 274-294; it is con- 
tained in MSS. which have besides it only works of ^Ifric; 
and its author says that he has written in another place of the 
Lord's praj'^er and of the creed. Accordingly Thorpe decided 
that it belonged among ^Ifric's Avorks. 

A long sermon, called by Wanley the Hexameron 
of St. Basil, was ascribed to JElfric by Norman, 

xameron.-^g publisher, and yElfric is doubtless the author. 
The style of address to the reader in different parts of this 
homily is the colloquial one so common with ^Ifric. 
Many passages are almost the same as are found elsewhere 
in his works, and there are several references to former 
writings on the same subject. The sermon begins as 
follows: 'In another discourse we said sometime since that 
the Almighty God created everything in six days and seven 
nights; but it is so great and complex a subject that we could 
not say as much as we wished in the former treatise.' Again, 
lie speaks of the creation of the angels, and says, 'we spoke 
sometime ago more plainly of them.' Such passages as 
these remind us of ^Ifric's frequent references to his former 
writings. Other indications of authorship are its alliterative 
metre, and its presence in manuscripts of the first class. 

The Hexameron contains an introductory address to the 
reader; an account of the works of each of the six days of crea- 
tion; of the fall of the angels before the creation of man; of 
the seventh day of rest; of the temptation, and sin of man; of 
his expulsion from Paradise; and of his redemption through 
Christ. 

Of the sources of this homily, Norman says, 'it is by no 
means a literal translation of the well-known work of that 
father (Basil), but is partly original, and partly compiled from 
that work and from the commentaries of Bede upon Genesis.' 
The arrangement of the material is no doubt ^^Ifric's; and 
that the author has drawn from Bede's work which is men- 



u^lfric's Homilies. 117 

tioned above, is seen when the two writings are definitely 
compared. The scientific passages are indebted to Bede's 
scientific writings. What iElfric has taken from Basil's 
Hexameron mnst be determined by a careful comparison of 
Bede's Commentary on Genesis with the writing by Basil, and 
then of both with the work in question. Such a comparison 
has not, so far as we know, been made. It can hardly be cor- 
rect to call /Elfric's Hexameron a Version' of that of St. Basil. 

The reference to a former work on the creation seems to 
point to the sermon, De Initio Creaturae, in the first volume 
of Catholic Homilies, in which also the angels are described 
'more plainly' than here. These references, and scientific 
matter similar to that of the De Temporihus, incline us to 
place the composition at some time between 991 and 998. The 
following passage which perhaps refers to his writing On the 
Old Testament may point to a much later date. He says, 
•^All the Old Testament (gesetnyss) of which we spoke before 
{mr), and the Saviour Himself, in His holy gospel, declare 
the Holy Trinity in a true unity.' 

The manuscripts of the Hexameron are these: Cott. Otho 

B. X, London; Bodl. Lib. Jun. 23 and Jun. 24, Oxford; C. C. 

C. S 6 and S 7, Cambridge. MS. Jun. 47 is a transcript made 
after collation of Jun. 23 and Jun. 24. Norman's edition is 
based on Jun. 23. 

There can be no doubt as to Elfric's author- 
ship of the Old English version of St. Basil's 
Advice to a Spiritual Son. Its preface, which 
'does not give Elfric's name, refers to earlier 
writings on Basil, thus to those found in the first volume of 
Catholic Homilies (p. 448 f) and in the third homily of the 
Lives of the Saints; it gives a brief account of Basil's life, 
similar in style to the sketch of Alcuin's which opens the In- 
terrogationes; it speaks of Basil's Hexameron in almost the 
same words as those with which ^Ifric prefaces his account 
of the six days of creation in the homily called the Hexam- 
eron. We learn from this preface that the writer was a Bene- 



118 JElf Tic's Homilies. 

dictine monk who was familiar with the written Eule of St. 
Benedict. Still further, the two-fold mention of chastity as 
belonging to the service of God, and the expression: 'We 
will say it in English, for those who care for it,' are char- 
acteristic of iElfric. All these things, together with the lan- 
guage and the metrical form used by him in other writings 
assure his authorship. 

The work, which is not quite complete, follows the original 
for the most part closely. Its character and the 'us' of the 
preface, show that it was written for Benedictine monks. 

The preface by iElfric is followed by a short one by the 
original author, and by sections on Spiritual "Warfare; on the 
Virtue of the Soul; on the Love of God; on the Love of our 
JSTeighbor; on the Desire for Peace; on Chastity; on Avoiding 
the Love of the World; on Avoiding Avarice. 

The date of this writing is probably sometime after 1005, 
that is, after his preparation of extracts from ^thelwold's 
De Consuetudine, and, like that, it was designed for the 
monks of Eynsham. 

There is one manuscript of this work: Bodl. Lib. Hatton 
100. Jan. 68 lias a transcript of the same. 

The only edition is that of Norman. 



CHAPTER IX. 

yELFKIC'S GEAMMATICAL AND ASTKONOMICAL 
WRITINGS. 



The 
Grammar. 



The spirit which prompted yElfric to pre- 
pare his Latin grammar, and the practical uses 
which it was meant to serve, may be learned 
from the two prefaces of the book. In the second he writes: 
'It behooves the servants of God and the monks to take heed 
lest holy learning grow cold and fail in our days, even as hap- 
pened among the English only a few years ago, so that before 
the time of Archlushop Dunstan and Bishop iEthehvold no 
English priest was able to compose or understand a Latin 
epistle.' The purpose of the book, which is probably the 
first Latin grammar in the English language, ^Ifric tells in 
the preface. 'I have endeavored to translate these extracts 
from Priscian for you, tender youths, in order that, when you 
have read through Donatus' eight parts* in this little book, 
you may be able to appropriate the Latin and English 
languages for the sake of attainment in higher studies.' The 
following extract will illustrate the method of instruction in 
this grammar of the two languages: 

'partes ORATiONES SUNT OCTO eahta daelas s^'^nd leden- 
sprjiece: nomen, pronomen, verbum, adverbium, participium, 
coNJUNCTio, PRAEPOsiTio, iNTERjECTio. NOMEN is iiama, mid 
t5am we nemnaS ealle Sing gegSer ge synderlice ge gem»ne- 
lice: synderHce be figenum naman: Eadgarus, ^thelwol- 
dus; gemjenelice: rex cyning, episcopus bisceop.' 

In the author's mind this book was closely connected with 



I The grammar of Priscian (;co) consists of two parts : Bks. I-XVI (Priscian Major) 
treat of sounds, word-formation, and inflexion ; Bks. XVII-XVIII (Priscian Minor) of 
syntax. Among various sources of this work viz.sV)omilM%' Ars Grantmatica. Donatus 
(350) wrote two grammars. The shorter work, Wri- ^Wwor, which teaches of the eight 
parts of speech (de octo partibus), was especially used as an elementary text book during 
the Middle Ages. 



120 ^Ifric's Gramtnatical and Astronomical Writings. 

the Catholic Homilies. He writes: 'I wished to translate this 
little book into English after I had translated two books con- 
sisting of eighty homilies, for grammar is the key which un- 
locks the sense of those books.' So too, in the minds of 
^Ifric's readers his Grammar has an added importance when 
considered in connection with his other works. Only then 
does it appear what it really is, an intrinsic part of a system- 
atic effort to educate the minds and hearts of the English 
people. 

Fifteen extant manuscripts of the Grammar show its popu-. 
larity as a textbook. 

y, Seven of these fifteen manuscripts contain a 

glossary appended to the Grammar. It is in- 
troduced by the rubric, Incipiunt multarum 
reriim nomina anglice, and is followed by these words, ex- 
pressive of its incompleteness, Sve can neither write nor even 
imagine all names.' This Latin-English dictionary consists 
of Latin nouns and adjectives with their English equivalents, 
classified, not alphabetically, but according to subject. It 
begins with God and the creation, defines parts of the body, 
names of birds, beasts, fishes, etc., and ends with characteris- 
tics of men. Wright suggests that this and similar vocabula- 
ries were designed for teachers as well as pupils. He says: 
'In the earlier and better period, no doubt the teacher had 
such lists merely in Latin, or glossed only in cases of diffi- 
cult}'', and he was sufficiently learned in the language to ex- 
plain them; but now the schoolmaster required to be re- 
minded himself of the meaning of the Latin word.' 

Tradition and the nature of the work, as well as its position 
in the manuscripts render ^Ifric's authorship of the Glossary 
probable. It is specially adapted to promote the aims of his 
Grammar, and the words defined belonged to J^lfric's voca- 
bulary. ' 



I MacLean has called attention to ^Ifric's indebtedness in the Glossary to Isidore. 
Cf. e. g. Isidore's Etymologiariivi^ Lib. XII. Cap. II, VI. (Migne, Patrologia Latina., 82. 
ed. 1850). 



^Ifric's Grammatical and Astronomical Writings. 121 

The glossary entitled Archhishop Alfric's Vocabulary 
printed in Anglo-Saxon and Old English Vocabularies, pp. 
106-167, is not the one found so often in the manuscripts 
with iElfric's Grammar. The latter is printed in the above- 
named book, pp. 306-336. Its presence in the Oxford manu- 
script which contains Alfric's Colloquium as revised by his 
pupil, ^Ifric Bata, and its use by ^Ifric Bata in that re- 
vision, strengthen the probability given by its frequent associ- 
ation with the Grammar, that it is the authentic vocabulary 
of zElfric. The Oxford manuscript (no. 8 below) is the one 
which Zupitza has taken as the basis of his edition of the 
Grammar and Glossary. 

The best edition is that of Zupitza (1880), which gives the 
text, and variant readings from all of the manuscripts. As 
enumerated by him they are the following: 

1. All Souls' Coll., Oxford; 2. Corpus Christi Coll., Cam- 
bridge; 3. Cathedral Lib., Durham; -1. Cotton, Faustina, Lon- 
don; 5-6. Harleiana, London; 7. Cotton, Julius, London; 
8. John's Coll., Oxford; 9. Paris; 10-11. MSS. of MSS. Reg., 
London; 12. Sigmaringen; 13. Trinity Coll., Cambridge; 14. 
Univ. Lib., Cambridge; 15. Cathedral Lib., Worcester. 

Besides the above MSS., three transcripts are mentioned 
by Wanley: 1. (p. 102) Jun. 7, Oxford; 2. (p. 308) transcript 
in the possession of Simonds D'Ewes of Stow-Langton, Suf- 
folk; 3. (p. 84) Bodl. Lib., Oxford.^ MSS. nos. 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 
14, 15 contain the Glossary. 

Alfric's Colloquium is a Latin dialogue 
CoUo uLm. '^^'^^^ English glosses above the lines. Its 
opening words, 'Nos pueri rogamus te, Mag- 
ister, ut doceas nos loqui latialiter rede' ('We boys request 
thee. Master, to teach us to speak Latin correctly'), indicate 
its purpose, to serve for practice in Latin in the cloister- 
schools. Its elementary character and the nature of the con- 
versations show that ^Ifric had in mind the same 'tender 



1 See Wiilcker's Gruneiriss der Angehiichsischen Litterafur, p. 462. 



122 jElfric's Grammatical and Astronomical Writings. 

youth' for whom he prepared his Grammar. After a pre- 
liminary talk with the first speaker, who professes to be a 
monk, the Master asks: 'What do these your comrades know?' 
The boy replies: 'Some of them are plowmen, some shepherds, 
some oxherds, others are hunters, fishers, birdcatchers, mer- 
chants, shoemakers, salt-dealers, bakers, and cooks.' There 
follows then a conversation of the master with the plowman, 
the shepherd, the oxherd, and the rest, in which each tells 
something about his daily tasks. The master praises these 
worthy companions of the monk, and questions him about 
others. Comrades of other crafts come forward, and also a 
wise counsellor whom the master addresses thus: 'Wise man, 
what calling seems to you the highest among all these?' 
Then the counsellor discusses the question with the smith 
and the carpenter, and concludes with the sage advice, that 
every one should fulfil his own task with diligence, 'for it is 
a great disgrace and shame for a man not to be willing to be 
that which he both is and ought to be.' The master again 
converses with the first youth, who tells of his high aspira- 
tions and describes his life in the cloister-school. The agree- 
able whole is concluded by the master with an exhortation to 
his pupils. 

This work is found in two manuscripts: (1) Cott. Tib. A. 
HI, from which it has been printed by Thorpe, who has been 
followed by Wright and others; (2) Oxford, St. John's Col- 
lege. In this there is found the following explanation, which 
is a sufficient guarantee of authorship: 'Hanc sentenUam 
latini sermonis olim /Elfricns ahbas composiiit, qui meusfuit 
magister, sed tamen ego /Elfric Bata multas posieajmic addidi 
appendices.'^ As no such words are found in the Cotton 



I This sentence comprises about all that we know of JFAinc Bata. A few words in 
Osbern's Li'/e of St. Dunstan, written in the time of Lanfranc, say that St. Dunstan 
declared in a vision to one who sought his shrine, that ^Ifric Bata tried to overthrow the 
church of God (Memorials of St. Dunstan p. 136). This indicates that X.\ix\c Bata was 
living after the Conquest. It is thus not unlikely that he was a pupil at Eynsham, rather 
than earlier at Cernel. It may be, as Schroder suggests, that the above-mentioned O-xford 
MS. was wholly prepared by him. It is certainly true that his fame is most of it gratu- 
itous. 



^Ifric's Grammatical and Astronomical Writings. 123 

manuscript, and the form there given is briefer and more 
concise, the presimiption is that we have in that the original 
work as written by ^Ifric. This view is confirmed by the 
comparison of the two manuscripts made by Zupitza.' He 
finds in the Oxford manuscript most of the matter that is in 
the other. The only omission is the concluding exhortation, 
for which a different ending is substituted. But there are, 
indeed, many additions; additions made in such a way as to 
spoil the direct, vigorous style of ^^Ifric the abbot. Even 
if no other indications were given, it would be clear that some 
other hand than its author's had revised it. Two passages 
are here cited, as given by Zupitza from the Oxford manu- 
script, to show ^Ifric Bata's method of adding appendices. 
The italics show the part common to the two manuscripts; 
the remainder is ^Elfric Bata's addition. 'Quales autem 
feras maxime capis? Capio utique cervos et cervas et 
vulpes et vulpiculos et muricipes et lupos et ursos et 
simias et fibros et lutrios et feruncos, taxones et lepores 
atque erinacios et aliquando apros et damnas et capreos et 
sepe lepores.' And again, 'Quid facis de tua venatione? 
Ego do regi, quicquid capio, quia sum venator ejus. Quid dat, 
ipse tibi? vel cujus honoris es inter tuos socios? Primum 
locum teneo in sua aula, vestitum autem et victum satis milii 
tribuit et aliquando vero anulum mihi aureum reddit et vestit 
me bene et pascit et aliquando dat mihi equum ant armillam, 
ut libentius artem meam exerceam.' The work of ^Ifric 
Bata, as compared with that of his teacher, shows useless 
repetitions, unwise choice of material, and lacks all sense of 
proportion and literary fitness. 

'It is in the highest degree probable that this work was 
written after the Grammar and Glossary to serv^e as an exer- 
cise for practice. It is evident that the arrangement of the 
Glossary is pre-supposed in the Colloquium, for example in 
the choice of certain groups of words, such as the names of 



I Zeitschrift fiir Deutsches Alterthum, 31, 32-45. 



124 y£lf Vic's Grammatical and Astronomical Wi'itings. 

animals and fishes/' Schroder, from whom we have Just 
quoted, shows that the lists of words in the Colloquium of the 
Cotton manuscript preclude the idea that there is any im- 
mediate literary dependenee of the latter work upon the 
former; hut that, on the other hand, ^Ifric Bata must have 
had the Glossary immediately before him when he made his 
revision, as is seen by comparison of his additions to the lists 
of fishes and of animals, with the lists of the same in the 
Glossary., 

It is not probable that the Old English gloss of the Cotton 
manuscript is by JElfric. It has been urged by Zupitza that 
the author of the glosses showed strange ignorance and shal- 
lowness in putting Latin into English; and by Schroder that 
many of the Old English words used here are not those which 
^Ifric used in his Glossary to define the same Latin words; 
and further, that the character of the vocabulary makes it 
probable that the gloss was not added till two generations 
later. 

The Colloquium in the Oxford manuscript has few glosses, 
and the fragment of the Colloquium as revised by ^Ifric 
Bata, found in a recently-discovered manuscript (Brit. Mus. 
add. 32246), has none. 

The Colloquium has been often printed. A good edition 
is that of the Wright-Wulcker Anglo-Saxon and Old English 
Vocahularies (1884). That of the Oxford manuscript has not 
yet been printed. 

De Temporibus, the Old English compila- 
Temporibus. ^^°^ ^^°"^ Bede's writings, is in its first part an 
astronomical treatise upon the earth, sun, 
moon and stars; its second part treats briefly of atmospheric 
phenomena. Both its content and its position in the manu- 
scripts lead us to ascribe it without question to ^Ifrie. 
Wright noted the fact that the ^Ifrician lament over the ig- 
norance of the priests is found here, and ^Ifric's acquaint- 
ance with Bede's astronomical writings, shown in one of his 



\ Zeitschri/t fiir Deutsches AiUrthuin, 41, 283-290. 



^Ifric's Grammatical and Astronomical Writings. 125 

homilies, should also be noted. In the homily for the day of 
the circumcision of Christ, Horn. 1, 100 ff., we find a discus- 
sion of the different beginnings of the year among ancient 
nations, and an appeal to Bede's authority. The matter here 
brought forward corresponds with the second section of the 
Old English De Temporibus. Moreover, the rest of the con- 
tents of the De Temporibus agree with ^Ifric's other efforts, 
for the instruction of the youths of the cloister. 

The external evidences are no less clear. In the Cam- 
bridge manuscript, which contains ^Ifric's two books of 
Catholic Homilies, the treatise which we are considering fol- 
lows the last homily of the first book, and is preceded by this 
sentence of explanation: 'Here follows a brief writing upon 
the times of the year, which is not to be accounted a homily, 
but is to be read by whomever it pleases.' All except the 
introductory clause is found again in the beginning of the 
treatise itself. It would indeed be possible that ^Ifric 
announced there a translation not his own, which he had in 
his keeping, but that idea is rendered improbable by its posi- 
tion in another manuscript, the very gradually compiled 
Codex Cott. Tib. B. V., where it follows a catalogue of 
bishops in which Sigeric is the last Archbishop, and immedi- 
ately follows an account of the archbishop's stay in Rome, 
which can only have taken place in the first year of his office 
(990). ^Ifric dedicates both volumes of his homilies to 
Sigeric. 

The preface of the treatise, in which the 'V of the author 
is prominent, the ascription of the work to Bede, the content 
of the book, and the reverent postscript, all agree with the 
style of J^liric as we find it in his undoubted works.' The 
manuscripts of the De Temporibus are these: (1) Cott. Tibe- 
rius, A. Ill; (2) Cott. Tiberius, B. V; (3) Cott. Titus, 
XV. (imperfect). It is printed in the third volume of Leech- 
doms, Wortcunning, etc. 



I See Appendix III. 

9 



CHAPTER X. 

THE LIVES OF THE SAINTS; 
CANONS OR PASTORAL LETTERS. 

'^Ifric humbly greeteth yEthelwerd ealdor- 

^, o • ^ man. I bring thee word, dear sir, that I have 

the Saints. '^ ' ' 

now collected in this book such passions of the 
saints as I have had leisure to translate into English. I have 
done this, my friend, at thy request and at that of ^thel- 
mser, who have both earnestly jDrayed me for such writings. 
Ye have already received from my hands, for the strengthen- 
ing of your faith, writings which ye never before had in your 
language. Thou knowest, friend, that in the two former 
books we translated the passions and lives of those saints 
which the English nation honoreth with festival days. Now, 
however, it hath seemed good to us to write this book about 
the passions and lives of those saints whom the monks cele- 
brate among themselves.' 

^Ifric, in his Latin preface of the Saints' Lives, and in 
the English preface of the same, whose opening words we 
have given, carefully distinguishes this, his third volume of 
homilies, from the two preceding. Like each book of Cath- 
olic Homilies, this is a collection of forty sermons for the 
church year, beginning with Christmas. A part of the Cath- 
olic Homilies are written in alliterative form, but nearly all 
of the Saints' Lives are metrical. 

Scattered through this book of Saints' Lives are many dis- 
courses of more general character. The first of these, that 
for Christmas day, which begins the book, is an abstract 
treatment of the nature of God, and of the soul of man. This 
is followed by eight narratives appropriate to eight saints' 
days — the stories of saints Eugenia, Basil, Julian and Basil- 
issa, Sebastian, Maurus, Agnes, Agatha, and Lucy. The tenth 
sermon, for February 22d, the day in the calendar on which 



The Lives of the Saints. 127 

St. Peter became bishop of Antioch, according to the Antioch 
reckoning, is composed chiefly of scriptural incidents of St. 
Peter's life, and is the second of the general sermons men- 
tioned above. After the legend of the forty Cappadocian 
soldiers, who 'suffered for Christ in the Emperor Licinius' 
days,' the third and fourth general discourses follow. These 
are, one for Ash-Wednesday, which warns and exhorts men 
to keep Lent and to live a zealous, progressive Christian life; 
and one for Mid-Lent, on the Prayer of Moses. The four- 
teenth and fifteenth homilies are legends of St. George and 
of St. Mark, but the second and longer division of St. Mark's 
homily treats of the four evangelists and is chiefly scriptural 
in content. Number sixteen, De Memoria Sanctorum, 'a ser- 
mon for any occasion,' from the text, 'I am Alpha and 
Omega,' etc., tells how 'we may take good examples, first 
from the holy patriarchs, how they in their lives pleased God, 
and also from the saints who followed the Saviour.' The last 
third of this discovirse treats of 'the eight deadly sins, which 
sorely fight against us,' and 'the eight cardinal virtues, which 
may overcome these aforesaid devils through the Lord's help.' 
To this sermon of catholic content succeeds still another, one 
for Eogation-Sunday, on Auguries. The general introduc- 
tion on Galatians 6, 15, leads to a sermon by St. Augustine, 
which discourses on auguries, witchcraft, and similar super- 
stitions. 

In yElfric's work, De Veteri Testamento, are these words: 
'there are many kings in the books of Kings, about whom also 
I wrote a book in English.' This reference is probably to the 
eighteenth sermon of the Saints' Lives. It tells briefly of 
Saul and David, more at length of the history of Israel in the 
days of Elijah and Elisha, then of Hezekiah and several later 
kings, and ends with Josiah. Numbers nineteen, twenty and 
twenty-one tell the stories of three English saints: Saint 
Alban, not of the English race, who perished in the persecu- 
tion of Diocletian; Saint ^theldred, wife of King Egfrith, 
a founder of the monastery of Ely, and a noted one among 



128 The Lives of the Saints. 

the cloister saints; and Saint Swithim, Bishop of Winchester, 
^Ifric's own city, and especially famous in King Edgar's 
days — that is, when ^Ifric himself was living in Swithun's 
own monastery. The next three are also legends of saints: 
of Saint Apollinaxis, of the Seven Sleepers, and of Abdon 
and Sennes. Then comes still another referred to by ^Ifric 
in the De Veteri Testamento, that about the books of Macca- 
bees, of which he wrote: '1 turned them into English; read 
them if ye will, for your own admonition.' The Maccabees 
is rather a historical book than a sermon. Its divisions are 
preceded by references to the chapters from which they are 
taken in the books of Maccabees, and the whole is very long. 
At the end a passage set off from the preceding portions 
treats of three orders of men — laborers, beadsmen and 
soldiers. 'Laborers are they who obtain with toil our sub- 
sistence; Beadsmen are they who intercede with God for us; 
Soldiers are they who protect our towns, and defend our soil 
against an invading army.' 

The twenty-sixth sermon, for August 5th, is the stoiy from 
Bede's Ecclesiastical History, of St. Oswald, the English king 
and martyr. Ten legends follow: those of the Holy Cross, 
St. Maurice and the Theban Legion, St. Denis, St. Eustace, 
St. Martin, the English St. Edmund, St. Euphrasia, St. 
Cecelia, Crisantus and Daria, and St. Thomas the Apostle. 
.^Ifric's translation of Alcuin's Interrogationes is the thirty- 
seventh discourse, and the last two are. Of False Gods and 
Of the Twelve Abuses. The placing of St. Euphrasia, whose 
day is February 11th, among the November saints may be 
due to a mistake of the transcriber. 

The only good manuscript, that which Professor Skeat has 
taken as the foundation for the text of his edition, is the 
Cottonian Codex, Julius E. VII, British Museum. But single 
lives and parts of the collection are found in others. ' 
From the description by MacLean of the one good manu- 



I Cf. A. Napier, A Fragment of Mlfric's Lives of Saints. Mod. Lang. Notes, 1887, 
378-9- 



The Lives of the Saints. 129 

script (Anglia 6. 441) is quoted the following: 'The MS. 
table of contents is printed accurately in Professor Skeat's 
Edition of The Lives of the Saints, pp. 8-10, giving the entire 
number of articles as XXXIX. Wanley, carefully printing 
from the titles distributed through the Cod., has XLVIII, 
without counting the last and missing sermon, which would 
make XLIX. Subtract Wanley's articles (VIII, XVII, 
XXII, XXV, XXIX, XXX, XXXII, XXXIV, XXXV = 9) 
and we have forty remaining. These nine are not mentioned 
in the MS. index, and are variations of the same narratives, 
a note, and a sermon inserted with an 'item.' Add Wanley's 
XXVIII, or, it may be, count some 'Item Alia,' and we have 
forty in the MS. list and in that of Professor Skeat.' 'We 
may call forty ^Ifric's ideal number for a volume of homilies. 
And it fits his character to be just so exact.' 

Inserted between The Seven Sleepers and Abdon and Sennes 
stands a long homily on the Death of St. Mary of Egypt, 
which is not mentioned in the table of contents. This 'may 
have been bound into this codex many years later.' 'The 
question cannot be determined until some one makes re- 
searches with reference to the portion of the codex involved, 
and with reference to the origin of the A. S. JEgyptian St. 
Mary.'^ The language and expressions of this homily seem 
to be inconsistent with ^Ifric's authorship. 

Many passages are to be found in the Saints' Lives which 
illustrate the life and times in which TElfric lived. Such 
there are worthy of especial note in the homilies on The 
Prayer of Moses; on Auguries; on St. Swithun; and for Ash- 
Wednesday. 

It is indeed true that saints' lives preponderate in this 
volume, even as the preface leads us to expect, but written as 
it was, especially for the laity, at the request of two laymen, 
^thelweard and ^thelmeer, the teaching of catholic truth 
was an important part of its purpose. It does not read quite 

I MacLean. 



130 The Lives of the Saints. 

like a book of legends of the saints, but as one of Christian in- 
struction, illustrated largely by those who had exemplified 
Christian faith. Its character is not so different from the first 
two volumes as its title might indicate. Viewed from this - 
standpoint, the presence of such chapters as the De Interroga- 
tiones, the False Gods, and the Ttvelve Abuses, which have 
been sometimes regarded as an appendix, becomes clear and 
consistent. 

We must believe that not more than three or four years 
elapsed from the completion of the second volume of homi- 
lies, before ^Ifric was ready with the third. As we read his 
translations we cannot feel that the work was an uncongenial 
one, and its ready acceptance with those whose desires it 
satisfied must have made him eager to gratify them yet more. 
In the library to which he had access there were still other 
Latin books which would be of interest to his friends and to 
English Christians. Hence whatever grammatical writings 
he had on hand after his second volume was put forth, it is 
not likely that he altogether ceased from the sort of transla- 
tions that he had first undertaken. We can imagine 
that one thing after another which was later to find place in 
the Saints' Lives, was put into English before the definite 
plan of a third volume came to his thought. Then with the 
entreaties of his friends who were aware of his work, came the 
new idea, that he should make still another book. The 
saints' lives already translated suggested the prominent fea- 
ture of the book, and into the volume he could fit whatever 
renderings he now had completed, and also other pieces 
which he desired especially to write. The words of the pre- 
faces do not forbid some such origin as this, and the charac- 
ter of the work in detail and as a whole suggests it. 

As regards sources, those of particular sermons are often 
indicated by .(^Ifric. The preface, however, mentions only 
"the Vitae Patrum, and leaves it uncertain whether that is 
really one of his sources. 'I do not promise to write very many 
(passions of saints) in this tongue, because it is not fitting 



The Lives of the Saints. 131 

that many should be translated into our language, lest perad- 
- vent lire the pearls of Christ be had in disrespect. And there- 
fore I hold my peace as to the book called Yitae Patrum, 
wherein are contained many subtle points which ought not 
be laid open to the laity, nor indeed are we ourselves quite 
able to fathom them." 

The only complete edition of this work is that by Professor 
Skeat.^ Single lives are found in many books. 

Queries of The Old English translation and revision 

Sigewulf the of Alcuin's treatise on Genesis has been 
Priest. usually ascribed to ^Ifrio. The slight 

uncertainty which has been felt because, contrary to his cus- 
tom in works of importance, he does not name himself as the 
author, has been more than balanced by the strong inteimal 
and external evidences in his favor. Such evidences are the 
position of this work in the manuscripts with other writings 
of ^Ifric; its style; its subject matter, and its alliterative 
form. The investigations made by MacLean have settled 
the question conclusively. The omission of the author's 
name is now accounted for by the fact that ^Ifric did not 
issue the piece as a separate work, but as one of a series of 
homilies which is opened by two prefaces in which he writes 
in his own name. In all of the five manuscripts that contain 
it, it is found associated with sermons from the Saints^ 
Lives, and in the chief manuscript of that work it stands as 
sermon number thirty-seven. 

From MacLean's dissertation we take the following para- 
graphs descriptive of the purpose and origin of the work: 

'Alcuin, the celebrated English scholar, and teacher of 
Charlemagne, compiled in Latin, at the end of the eighth 
century, a Handbook upon Genesis. The immediate occa- 
sion of the work was the questions upon certain difficulties in 
Genesis, which his inseparable pupil and friend, the presby-^ 
ter Sigewulf, had at different times put to him. Therefore 

1 See Appendix V. 

2 Only three parts are yet published, but the fourth is soon to appear. 



132 The Lives of the Saints. 

the little volume, written in cathechetical form, was dedi- 
cated, in an affectionate preface, to Sigewulf, whose name it 
has since borne, — Interrogationes Sigewulfi Preshyteri. The 
aim of Alcuin was, in his words, "to gather from heavy tomes 
pretiosas sapientiae margaritas, which the weary traveller 
might carry with him, and with which he might recreate 
himself." The testimony for this work is that it lived. 

'Two hundred years later, another Englishman, the A-S. 
author ^Ifric, the teacher, not of a Charlemagne, but of a 
country, translated Alcuin's work "on Englisc." ^Ifric 
■abridged the two hundred and eighty questions and answers 
of Alcuin to sixty-nine, lie added a preface upon the 
"illustrious teacher," Alcuin, inserted an astronomical page, 
probably appended a creed and doxology, and in many points 
impressed the production with his winning personality. 

'With great skill he retained the catechetical form, while 
he adorned the work with a rhetorical, if not poetical, semi- 
metrical alliteration. 

'The Interrogationes Sigeivulfi retained its old name and 
was issued as a sermon in a series of homilies entitled Pas- 
siones Sanctorum.' 

The following analysis of the work is that of MacLean: 

I. Introduction. The life of Alcuin, and the origin of 
the Latin work, 11. 1-17. 

II. Questions I-XV, inclusive. Difficulties in the 
Creator's moral government, or in the rational crea- 
tion. 

III. Questions XVI-XXI. The physical creation. 
This scientific division is crowned by yElfric's inser- 
tion from Bede about the planets. 

IV. Questions XXII-XXVI. The Father, Christ, the 
Spirit, and the Trinity as manifested in creation. 

V. Questions XXVII-XXXIV. The Origin of man; 
his divine image and possible destinies. 



The Lives of the Saints. 133 

YI. Questions XXXV-XXXYI. The Origin of evil. 

VII. Questions XXXVIII-XLVIII. The first Age in 
the History of the World. — The Adamic Age. 

VIII. Questions XLIX-LVIII. The second Age of 
the World's History, from Noah to Abraham. 

IX. The third Age of the World's History, continued, 
not to its end, but to its culmination in the offering of 
Isaac. 

X. Lines 511-541. A creed or confession of the one 
Creator in a Holy Trinity. 

XI. Lines 541-545. A Doxology. 

yElfric begins this writing wdth these words: 'There was m 
England a remarkable teacher named Albinus (Alcuin), and 
he had great reputation. He taught many of the English in 
the sciences contained in books, as he well knew how, and 
afterwards went across the sea to the wise King Charles, who 
had great wisdom in divine and worldly matters, and lived 
wisely. Albinus the noble teacher came to him, and, 
there a foreigner, he dwelt under his rule, in St. Martin's 
monastery, and imparted to many the heavenly wisdom 
which the Saviour gave him. Then at a certain time, a 
priest, Sigewulf, questioned him repeatedly from a distance 
about some difficulties which he himself did not understand 
in the holy book called Genesis. Then Albinus said to him 
that he would gather together all his questions, and send him 
answers and their explanations. Sigewulf questioned him 
first in these words; What is to be understood by this: The 
Almighty ceased from his works on the seventh day, when 
he created everything; but Christ said in his gospel, my 
Father worketh until now and I work? Albinus answered 
him: God ceased from the new creation, but he renews the 
same nature every day, and will guide his work until the 
end of this world.' 

The al>ove quotation not only shows something of the 
methods of Alcuin and of MMvic, but it is also an example of 



134 The Lives of the /Saints. 

^Ifric's practical mind, which always connected the past 
with the present, and sought if possible to give a reason for 
each of his new undertakings.' 

This book, with the Latin original, is printed by MacLean 
in Anglia 7. 1-59. 

The Old English life of St. ISTeot may have origi- 
nated with ^Ifric. In the one manuscript in 
which it is found complete, Cott. Vesp. D XXI, its 
language is that of the twelfth century. Different writers 
have ascribed it to vElfric. Sharon Turner says: 'It follows 
an account of Furseus, an East Anglian saint, and some reli- 
gious essays of ^Elfric' ''As ^Ifric wrote the lives of many 
saints in Saxon, it is most probably his composition.' 
Wiilcker says that the style of narration and the choice of 
material point to iElfric as its author. 

The homily has been several times printed. The most re- 
cent edition is in an article by Wiilcker, in Anglia 3. 103-114. 
Fl"om that article axe taken the few facts here given. Notes 
on the text published by Wiilcker are found in Englische 
Studien, 6, 450-1 (by E. Kolbing). 

The Old English prose translation of the Vita 
^*^^ °^ GutJiIaci, found in MS. Cott. Yesp. D. XXI, was as- 
Guthlae. cribed by Wanley to ^Elfric. In favor of this claim 
are the free style of the translation, the discreet 
abridgment, and the change from the bombast of the original 
to simple, straightforward language. The language must give 
the final decision. Since that shows older forms than those 
of ^Ifric's time, it is probably by an earlier writer. From 
(xoodwin who published an edition in 1848, we take the fol- 
lowing: 'The Life of St. Guthlae, Hermit of Crowland, was 
originally written in Latin by one Felix, of whom nothing 
is with certainty known.' 'When and by whom this transla- 
tion was made is unknown; the style is not that of ^Ifric, to 
whom it has been groundlessly ascribed.' 'The writer often 



1 See Appendix IV. 



Canons, or Pastoral Letters. 135 

paxaphrases rather than translates, and in truth sometimes 
quite mistakes the sense of the original.' 

Besides the manuscript that has been mentioned, the Codex 
Vercellensis has two chapters of this Old English prose Life 
of Guthlac. 

The Latin Life of Guthlae is printed in the Acta Sanc- 
torum under the eleventh of April, 

CAMONS, OR PASTORAL LETTERS. 

Wulfsige, Bishop of Sherborne 

Pastoral (993-1001), requested ^Ifric to com- 

Letter for Wulfsige of ^^^^ ^^^ ^-^ ^ p^^^^^^j ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ 

ex rne. clergy of his diocese. ^Ifric accord- 

ingly writes the letter, not in hie own name, but in that of 
the bishop. He prefaces it with a short personal letter to 
Wulfsige. 'We have not dared,' he says, 'to write anything 
about the episcopal office, because it belongs to you to know 
in what way you should be an example to all by the best prac- 
tices, even as it is yours to know how to exhort your subordi- 
nates with constant admonitions to seek the salvation which 
is in Christ Jesus. I say, nevertheless, those things which 
you ought again and again to say to your clergy, and in regard 
to which you should show their remissness, since through 
their frowardness the canon laws, and the religion and doc- 
trine of holy church are destroyed. Free your mind, there- 
fore, and tell them what ought to be regarded by the priests 
and ministers of Christ, lest you yourself perish likewise, if 
you are accounted a dumb dog. We verily have written this 
letter which follows in English, as if it were dictated by your 
own mouth, and you had spoken to your subordinate clergy.' 

The pastoral letter is divided into two parts. The first con- 
sists of thirty-five sections. 

Sections 1-9 inculcate celibacy. 

Sec. 1 begins with a peremptory address: 'I say to you, 
priests, that I will not endure the carelessness of your ser- 



136 Canons, or Pastoral Letters. 

vice, but I will tell you truly what the laws are eoneerning 
priests. Christ himself established Christianity and chastity.' 

Sec, 2. Persecutions after the days of the apostles pre- 
vented any synod of the church until Constantine convened 
one at Nicea. 

Sec. 3. The Nicene Council was assembled for the con- 
firmation of the faith. (Note the superscription of this letter: 
'Be synoSe preosta'). 

Sec. 4. 'At this synod were appointed the holy church 
services, the mass-creed, and many other things, respecting 
God's worship and servants.' 

Sec. 5. This synod unanimously decreed that no bishop, 
priest, deacon, or regular canon, should have in his house any 
woman save his mother, sister, or aunt. 

Sec. 6. 'This will seem strange to you, because ye have 
brought your wretchedness into a custom.' 'Priests often say 
that Peter had a wife, but he forsook his wife and all worldly 
things.' 

Sec. 7. The old law allowed bishops to marry. But that 
was before Christ appointed the eucharist and the mass. 

Sec. 8. The same synod determined that no man might 
enter the priesthood or any order who had been married to 
a widow or a divorced woman. 

Sec. 9. N"o priest may countenance or bless any second 
marriage, although a layman may marry a second time if his 
wife desert him. 

Sec. 10. Seven degrees are established in the church: 
ostiarius, lector, exorcista, acoluthus, subdiaconus, diaconus, 
presbyter or priest. 

Sec. 11-16 define the duties of six orders. 

Sec. 17-32 define the duties of the priests. 

Sec. 17. The priest must hallow the eucharist. He must 
instruct the people, and give an example to Christians. There 
is no difference between a priest and a bishop — although the 
bishop takes precedence — save that a bishop is appointed for 



Canons, or Pastoral Letters. 137 

the ordination of priests, confirmation of children and conse- 
cration of churches, and to take care of God's dues. 

Sec. 18. Monkhood and abbothood are not reckoned with 
these orders, but are also holy orders 'and bring to heaven the 
souls of those priests who observe them.' 

Sec. 19. The priest should officiate in his church, and 
sing there the seven canonical hours. 

Sec. 20. He should ferv^ently pray for the king, his bishop, 
his benefactors, and all Christians. 

Sec. 21. He should also, before he is ordained, possess as 
instruments for spiritual work the following holy books: a 
psalter, a book of epistles, a book of gospels, a missal, a 
hymnary, a manual, a ritual book, a pastoralis (i. e., of St. 
Gregory), a penitential, and a lectionary. 

Sec. 22. The priest's vestments must not be soiled or torn, 
and the altar cloths and vessels of the service must be good, 
and in good condition, as befits Christ's service. 

Sec. 23. 'The priest ought on Sundays and mass-days to 
tell the people the sense of the gospel in English, and about 
the Pater Noster and the creed as often as he can, as a stim- 
ulus to men, that they may know the faith and hold fast their 
Christianity.' 'Blind is the teacher if he know not book- 
learning.' 'Therefore take heed against this, as ye have 
need.' 

Sec. 24-26 speak briefly of tithes, mass and baptism of chil- 
dren. 

Sec. 27. No priest shall perform God's service for money; 
nor. 

Sec. 28, for covetousness go from one minster to another; 
nor. 

Sec. 29, drink immoderately; nor, 

Sec. 30, live as men of the world live. 

Sec. 31. He shall shrive sinners and administer the 
eucharist to the sick; and. 

Sec. 32, he shall anoint the sick according to St. James' 
command. 



138 Canons, or Pastoral Letters. 

Sec. 33. There were four synods for the true faith against 
heretics. Their decrees are to be observed, even as the four 
books of Christ. 

Sec. 34. 'How dare ye despise all their ordinances, while 
monks hold the ordinances of one man, the holy Benedict? 
Ye also have a rule, if ye would read it. But ye love worldly 
conversations, and wish to be reeves, and neglect your 
churches, and the ordinances altogether.' 

Sec. 35. 'We will, however, recite the ordinances to you. 
lest we ourselves also perish. Eejoice not at the death of 
men, nor attend the coq^se unless invited. AVhen so invited, 
forbid the heathen songs of the laymen, and their loud 
cachinnations; nor eat nor drink there lest ye be imitators of 
the heathenism which is there committed.' Dress well, not 
proudly, but suitably to your order. This section closes with 
the doxology. 

Sec. 36. The second part of the letter, which is of about 
one-third the length of the first, is devoted for the most part 
to instructions about the eucharist: first, in reference to the 
services on Good Friday, when the elements are not allowed 
to be consecrated, and on the following days; secondly, against 
the long keeping of the consecrated bread; thirdly, of the 
significance of the consecrated bread, which 'is Christ's body, 
not bodily, but spiritually; it is not the body in which he 
suffered, but that about which he spoke when he blessed 
bread and wine for the eucharist on the night before his 
passion.' 'Understand now that the same Lord who could, 
in a spiritual sense, change the bread into his body before his 
passion, and the wine to his blood, daily blesses through the 
hands of his priests the bread and wine to his spiritual body 
and blood.' Fourthly, instruction is given as to correct rites 
in the celebration of the eucharist, and as to the observance 
of the Easter festival; and finally, new ordinances of the 
assembly of bishops are stated. 

Sec. 37. 'Now ye have heard positively what ye have to 
do, and what to forego.' 'God grant you to take such resolu- 
tion as shall be for your good.' 



1 



Canons, or Pastoral Letters. 139 

The whole of this letter is alliterative. Thorpe in his 
edition, prints as a footnote a metrical passage, which is 
found in the second of the two manuscripts named below, 
inserted near the beginning of Sec. 35. It treats of conduct 
in the House of God. Its authenticity is uncertain. 

^Ifric's authorship of this letter is undoubted. The style, 
the subjects, and ^Ifric's introductory letter, show the 
writer of the Homilies and the disciple of Dunstan and 
^thelwold. The secular clergy, not bound by Benedictine 
rules, are bidden to remember that they are not free from the 
laws of the church. The strong insistence upon celibacy 
aims to thwart the persistent effort of the secular clergy to 
establish their right to marry. 

There are two manuscripts of this work: 

(a) A MS. which is believed to be the Serif tide on Englisc 
mentioned among the books which Bishop Leofric (1046-71) 
gave to his cathedral of Exeter. It is Corpus Christi Col- 
lege, Cambridge, 190 (L. 12). Besides the letter to Wulf- 
sige, the manuscript contains ^Ifrie's pastoral letters for 
Wulfstan, various penitentials, and the Old English Confes- 
sional of Egbert., Archbishop of York (735-766). 

(b) The other manuscript is the Oxford Bodl. Lib. Jun. 
121, called also, because it came from Worcester, the Wigor- 
ner Codex. It is a very large collection of canonical writ- 
ings and some homilies. According to Thorpe, it belongs to 
the tenth century. 

The best edition is that of Thorpe, Ancient Laws and In- 
stitutes of England. 

„ , , T XX A second series of canons was pre- 

Fastoral Letters ^ . _,, . ,. -.t » 

, pared by Ai^lfnc for Wulfstan, Arch- 

"W If t f Y k l^ishop of York and Bishop of Worces- 
ter, near whose diocese ^'Elfric's abbey 
of Eynsham was situated. He wrote first, two pastoral let- 
ters in Latin for Wulfstan's use among his secular clergy, 
and a year later, at Wulfstan's request translated them into 
English, 'not always following the same order, and not word 



140 Canons, or Pastoral Letters. 

for word, but sense for sense.' This he tells us in the Latin 
preface to the English translation, which he closes with the 
characteristic sentence, "if the herald keep silence, who shall 
announce that the judge is about to come?" 

The subjects of the first of these letters are, in general and 
in particular, almost the same as those of the letter for Wulf- 
sige, but they are treated more in detail, and the arrangement 
is different. The line of thought is as follows: 'We bishops 
dare not be silent, but must teach you priests in English the 
divine doctrine which our canon prescribes, for ye cannot 
all understand Latin. Yet I know that this admonition will 
displease many of you.' After a general exhortation to 
worthy administration of the priest's office, the three periods 
of the world — before the Law, under the Law, and under 
Christ's grace — are described. 

Of the last he says: 'Christ came and established Chris- 
tianity in chastity, both by his example and that of his disci- 
ples. The Old Law is different from the New.' 'In old days, 
before Christ's advent, men lived too much after their own 
lusts, but He said that we should live more rigorously.' There 
is express admonition to chastity in his words, 'Let your loins 
be girded.' 'So was Christ seen in vision by John and by 
Daniel the prophet.' 'God will have in his spiritual service 
holy ministers, who with chastity of body and mind may offer 
to him the holy eucharist.' 

After the outpouring of the Holy Ghost the church was 
increased, and the disciples had all things in common, mon- 
astic life was established, and the gospel was earned to dis- 
tant places. Then arose a very great persecution, but the 
faith increased. There were four great synods, and 'they 
appointed all the services which we have in God's ministry, 
at mass, and at matins, and at all the canonical hours; and 
they forbade all marriages forever to ministers of the altar, 
and especially to priests.' The great office of the priest is to 



I See Horn. II, 536, 374, and prefaces of the Homilies. 



Canons, or Pastoral Letters. 141 

celebrate the mass, 'a memorial of Christ's great passion.' 
To that belongs purity, which by the canons allows no 
women, save mother, sister or aunt, in the house of a priest. 
'This seems grievous to you, priests, because your customs 
are evil.' 'We cannot now compel you, but we exhort you to 
chastity.' There are seven orders in Christ's ministry. The 
highest order includes both priest and bishop; but the bishop 
is appointed for greater benediction than is the priest, whose 
duties would be too multifarious if he had the bishop's also. 
The priest is to be subject to the bishop. 

The bishops in the old law must marry, because descent 
from Aaron was a necessary qualification for the priesthood, 
but now the bishop may be of any race. 

The letter gives, lastly, rules for the service and the life, 
about marriages, books, vestments, the cup at the Lord's Sup- 
per, preaching and visitation of the sick, and funeral feasts. 
The priest must not be given to drink, nor be too boastful, 
nor be showy in dress. He must be a man of peace, he can- 
not lawfully bear arms. It is not true that because Peter 
had a sword, therefore Christ's servants may do the same. 

The original text of the second letter is not yet printed in 
full, and the question of its authenticity and original form 
can only be decided later by a study of its language and style 
in comparison with ^Ifric's other works. ]S[evertheless 
we are not in ignorance of its content. A short selection 
from the Latin original was published by the early editors of 
the Easter sermon, and has been repeatedly reprinted. Again, 
the first part of the Old English text, about one-eighth of the^ 
Avhole, was published in 1721, by Wilkins, and in 1840, by 
Thorpe, the first accompanied by a Latin translation, the sec- 
ond by an English. Again, in 1856, an English translation 
of the whole letter was printed in the appendix of Soames'^ 
Anglo-Saxon Church . 

The letter begins: '0 ye priests, my brothers, we will now 
say to you what we have not said before, because to-day Ave 
are to divide our oil, halloAv^ed in three ways, holy oil, chrism, 
and sick men's oil.' 
10 



142 Canons, or Pastoral Letters. 

Then follow directions for the nse of oil, for the admin- 
istration of the Lord's SnpjDor to the sick and to children, 
and a few metrical lines which forbid ill conduct in a church. 

In the editions of Wilkins and Thorpe the letter ends 
abruptly at this point. But the custom of ^Ifric and others 
of his time makes us sure that there must have been some 
more formal ending than this, a doxology or a prayer. 
Even of this brief portion Tliorpe says that the latter half 
"has apparently been added to the tract about chrism by 
mistake, having no connection with it.' But the superscrip- 
tion does not exclude it more than does that of the letter for 
Wulfsige, Of the Synod of Priests; nor is there wanting a 
close connection in the subject matter, in that the priest who 
anoints the sick also administers the eucharist to the same. 
Thorpe's view of the letter seems to have been derived from 
the manuscript (C. C. C. C. 190) from which he took the 
text. In Wanley's catalogue of that manuscript a little note 
added to this writing says: ^this letter, which appears to be 
one in the other codexes, in this is divided into two.' 
Accordingly, here we find, first, the tract printed by Thorpe; 
and second, what purports to be a sermon, under the super- 
scription, Sermo Coena Domini et Feria et Sabbato Sancto. 
In the two manuscripts of the Bodleian Library where the let- 
ter is found, the above named tract and sermon are found to- 
gether, with no break in text,' and the whole ends with the 
customary doxology. This, there is good reason to believe, 
is the second of the letters of which our author speaks in his 
prefatory address to the archbishop. 

The subject matter of the part not found in Thorpe con- 
sists, first, of minute directions for the ceremonial observ- 
ances of Passion Week, and for the celebration of the mass 
at other seasons, together with instructions on the spiritual 



I 'Neither in the Bodleian MS. (Jun. 121), from which the transcript now published 
was made, nor in another in that library, is there any break, even after the metrical lines. 
The whole epistle, as it is called, is perfectly suited to one single occasion, that of giving 
useful advice and information to a body of clergymen brought together for receiving the 
annual supplies of consecrated oil and chrism.' Soames, Anglo-Saxon Church, p. 263. 



Canons, or Pastoral Letters. 143 

significance of the eucharist. Then the priests are bidden to 
explain the Ten Commandments to the people, even as, for 
example, the writer of the letter explains them, one by one, 
in this letter, with special reference to their spiritual mean- 
ing. The writer expounds, too, the eight deadly sins, which 
'undo unwary people.' Then follow directions for Ash 
AYednesday, and Palm Sunday, and exhortations to truth, 
love, and the keeping of the two great commandments, and 
the letter closes with the words: 'May the Saviour aid us for 
his holy commandments. He that liveth with his beloved 
Father and the Holy Ghost, in one Divinity, the Triune God 
ever reigning. Amen.' 

The Latin originals of these two letters to Wulfstan, not 
yet published (the Latin translation in Wilkins' edition is 
not the original), are preserved in two Cambridge manu- 
scripts: C. C. C. 190 (L. 12); and C. C. C. 265 (K. 2). 

Of the Old English text there are the following: (1) C. C. 
C. C. 201 (S. 18), which contains only the first letter without 
its preface, and is apparently of the middle of the eleventh 
century;' (2) Bodl. Lib. NE. F. 4, 12, contains both letters 
and the preface, and is of the twelfth century; (3) C. C. C. C. 
190 (L. 12) also contains all; (4) London, Cott. Tib. A. 3, 
contains the second letter; (5) Bodl. Lib. Jun. 121, has only 
the second letter. 

MS. 1 is the foundation for the text in Wilkins' and in 
Thorpe's edition. Thorpe gives the Latin preface and the 
second letter from MS. 3. MS. 5, according to Wanley, does 
not contain nearly all of the second letter, but ends with the 
words, Vespere autem Saibati.^ 

These letters for Wulfstan have been denied to ^Ifric by 
those Avho have ascribed our author's writings to ^Ifric of 
Canterbury, and ^Ifric Bata has been brought forward to 
fill the vacant place; not because there is any positive argu- 
ment in his favor to balance the positive arguments against 



1 According to Thorpe. MS. Jun. 45 is a copy of this. 

2 See Soames' Anglo-8axo7i Church., p. 267. 



144 Canons, or Pastoral Letters. 

him, but because the work must have been by some ^Ifric, 
and the pupil must have taught the same doctrines as his 
master. But the correct theory of ^Ifric's identity leaves no 
room for doubt of his authorship (of the first letter at least), 
when this writing is examined in the light of his other works, 
[ts relation to the earlier letter for Wulfsige is such as we 
find elsewhere in ^Ifric's writings. It is that of a free re- 
vision of the earlier letter, with such additions and rearrange- 
ment as a new demand for an old work Avould suggest to 
an author, and there are many instances in ^Ifric's works 
of similar revisions. It is one of his most prominent traits 
to view the subjects that he treats from a new standpoint, not 
chiefly of doctrine, but of application. He tells the same 
story over and over, as in St. Martin, The Seven Sleepers, 
The Life of Stephen; but when he revises a former work he 
always sees something to add or to change, or some new way 
to make it applicable to his hearers. If he ^mtes a new 
Christmas sermon, the lessons appropriate to the day are 
taught in a new way. If he issues a new volume of homi- 
lies, he carries into it a neAV central idea, and thus differen- 
tiates the work from those which have preceded it, while yet 
keeping the body of Christian truth consistent and com- 
plete. This is made real to us when in the study of his 
works we try to detach ourselves from our modern thinking 
and reproduce in thought as far as possible the life and cir- 
cumstances of our author. 

This re-working of the first compilation of canons is that 
of a skilful writer, but ^Ifric Bata has given no evidence of 
skill in the one work which can be fairly ascribed to him. 
Also he speaks of Abbot ^Ifric as his teacher, but does not 
call himself abbot. The preface announces this work as that 
of Abbot iElfric, not Abbot ^Ifric Bata, as, if we judge by 
the note affixed to the Glossary, we should expect to find in 
any works of his if he held the position of abbot. This 
theory has really no importance, save as an historical feature 
of yElfrician criticism. 



Canons, or Pastoral Letters. 145 

The author speaks as one who is well-known by his writ- 
ings; he says that he has given offence by snch instruction 
in the past. The offensive teachings are no doubt those of 
his first pastoral letter. This is not the only insta.nce in 
which .-Elfrie says that he has been blamed, but that his 
good intentions make him above caring for it. 

Let any one study the preface, the language of the letters, 
the subject matter, the treatment of details, the spirit and 
the emphasis of the teachings; let him compare these with 
the prefaces of the Homilies, of the Grammar, and of Genesis. 
and with the language, tone, matter, and method of ^Ifric's 
writings, and no doubt of his authorship of the first letter 
can longer remain. 

The best edition of the Old English text is that of Thorpe, 
Ancient Laics and Institutes of England. 



CHAPTER XL 

TRANSLATIONS FROM THE BIBLE; ON THE OLD 
AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 

The The so-called Heptateuch was not intended by 

Heptateuch, its aiithor to be a strict translation. Rather it is 
translation interchanging with epitomes of the his- 
tory found in the Pentateuch, Joshua, and Judges. The prin- 
ciple of omission with JElfric is here unmistakable. He 
wishes to furnish a practical, easily-understood rendering of 
the parts which are most important for the laity to know. All 
else he passes over. 

He omits, first, almost all catalogues of names: for example, 
the descendents of Noah, Genesis 10; the genealogies. Gene- 
sis 11; the list of kings, Genesis 36; the numbering of the 
tribes, Numbers 1, 2, and 26; the names of camping-places. 
Numbers 33; and of the boundaries. Numbers 34, Joshua 13- 
22. In the last-named passage ten chapters are compressed 
into a few lines. 

Again, the abstruse passages in the practical portions are 
omitted; the blessing of Jacob, Genesis 49; the speeches of 
Balaam, Numbers 23-24; the blessing of Moses, Deuteronomy 
33, — the preceding easier song of praise is included, — and 
the song of Deborah, Judges 5. The other omissions are 
either short passages which repeat what is given elsewhere, or 
parts less essential for carrying forward the history: thus Gen- 
esis Y, 13-16; 24, 12-14, 16-60. Also the circumstantial de- 
scription of the Tabernacle, and of the clothing of the priests, 
and most of the single Levitical laws, are omitted, and the 
book of Judges, except the life of Samson, is given only in 
brief abstracts. 

With no manuscript authority for the name, Thwaites, the 
first publisher, called the work the Heptateuch. ^Ifric him- 
self did not, we believe, join with the six books, the Booh of 



Translations from the Bible. 147 

Judges which Thwaites published with them. But Wanley 
noted that it was added by the scribe of the Bodleian manu- 
script. In one codex it is contained among many homilies, and 
the author calls it a sermon. Still another fact speaks for the 
pro^^riety of placing it among the historical homilias, rather 
than among the translations of the Old Testament: namely, 
that, like otiier tracts and homilies of ^Ifric, it is written in 
metrical form. It is also to be noticed that its author placed 
among the Saints' Lives an alliterating homily similar to the 
Judges in form and matter, drawn from the Book of Kings. 
Still further, to the JSook of Judges is added an appendix, in 
which are brought together Roman, Byzantine, and Old Eng- 
lish brave war-leaders and princes, who were victorious 
through God's help. To the famous judges of Israel ^Ifric 
parallels the last victorious kings of England, Alfred, ^Ethel- 
stan, and Edgar. 

It was always a shock to the mediaeval Roman ecclesiastic to 
render the divine Scripture into the language of the people. In 
his first work, the Catholic Homilies, ^Ifric translated the 
scripture passages for the Sunday or Saint's day to which each 
homily belonged, and of these passages the homily is an expo- 
sition. If this was a bold act, it Avas nevertheless easier to 
justify than the translation of the books of the Bible. The 
latter task would hardly have been undertaken by a beginner. 

There is reason to question whether ^Ifric wrote the whole 
of the Heptateuch. A long introductory address to ^thel- 
weard prefaces the whole, and begins as follows: '^'Elfric, 
monk, greeteth humbly ^thelweard, Ealdorman. Thou didst 
request me, dear friend, to translate the Book of Genesis from 
Latin into English. Then it seemed to me irksome to grant it 
to thee, and thou saidest that I needed only to translate to 
Isaac, the son of Abraham, for another had translated from 
Isaac to the end of the book.' Now two manuscripts contain 
only that part of Genesis that JEthelweard requested: one, 
twenty-three chapters; the other, twenty-four. Add to this, 
that from the end of the twenty-fifth chapter of Genesis to 



148 Translations from the Bible. 

the end of the Pentateuch, except the book of Numbers, the 
language shows a marked difference from that which precedes. 
Words and constructions which are strange to iElfric else- 
where appear here, and his favorite expressions are not found. 
But the language of Joshua and Judges is his own. 

Nevertheless it is certain that ^Ifric added the remaining 
books of the Pentateuch to his translation, that he translated 
Joshua for ^thelweard, and that he wrote about the Judges. 
For in his work On the Old and Nexo Testaments, he men- 
tions the three facts separately, and his summary of Joshua is 
not separated from the Pentateuch by even a superscription. 
The preface itself treats of the typical explanation of Gene- 
sis, but it also extends to the contents of Exodus and Leviti- 
cus, and speaks in detail of the typical meanings of the Tab- 
ernacle and of sacrifice. 

The following maybe jjresumed as to the gradual formation 
of the work. At first JElfric received command from the 
ealdorman only in respect to Genesis, which was to furnish 
good material for instruction in the history of creation, and 
of the patriarchs. But he saw difficulties in the way of grant- 
ing even this; the people might take offence at the marriages 
of the patriarchs; they might see in the book only a bare his- 
tory of events. To overcome this reluctance his friend limits 
the commission to the first half of Genesis. In its preface ^If ric 
takes pains to guard against false inferences, he insists upon 
the deep spiritual meaning of the book, and emphasizes the 
difference between the Old Law and the New. It was not his 
custom to mix the works of others with his own, but here, 
where it was mere translation, he took that which had been 
completed by some one else, perhaps by the one whose trans- 
lation JEthelweard refers to, and annexed it to his own, to the 
end of Leviticus, and perhaps to the end of Deuteronomy. 
First, however, he revised the translation, improved it, and 
struck out whatever appeared to be unnecessary for his pur- 
pose, yet did not at the same time, alter the language so as to 
make it completely his own. The fourth book, if indeed it 



Translations from the Bible. 149 

existed before his work, he revised more strenuously, because 
he wished to give the alliterative form to its historical portion. 
He decided later to extend the work through the book of 
Joshua. With this Avhole extension, the preface received those 
additions which relate to Exodus. The Cotton Codex com- 
posed as earl}^ as the first half of the eleventh century con- 
tains this second authentic edition, which consists of the Pen- 
tateuch and Joshua. It seems improbable that yElfric caused 
a third edition provided with the book of Judges. The trans- 
lation is made from the Vulgate of Jerome. 

The following are the manuscripts of the Heptateuch: 1. 
Oxford, Laud, E. 19; 2. Cott. Claudius B. IV.; 3. Cambridge, 
Univ. Lib., a MS. written long after 1066; 4. Cott., Otho B. 
X.; 5. Lincoln. 

Thwaites edition is from MS. 1; this alone contains the 
seven books. In MS. 2 the Book of Judges is wanting. A 
copy of MS. 3 is found in Camb. C. C. C. (Wanley, 151). 

' Queen Esther, who saved her people, has also a 
book among these; ... I translated it into English. 
^Ifric writes this in his work On the Old Testament. A 
copy of such a translation is contained in a manuscript of the 
seventeenth century, which was prepared by William L'Isle 
(Bodl. Lib. Laud. E 381, earlier, Laud. E 33), Assmann, who 
has edited this, says, ' Its method and style, with its additions 
and omissions, its rhythmical form, and its whole phraseology, 
show it to be the translation which ^Ifric made. ' 

In Assman's dissertation upon this book, the following sub- 
jects are discussed: I. Dialect: 1. Phonology; 2. Inflection ; 
the conclusion is drawn that ' the dialect is late West Saxon, 
such as is found especially in the works of ^Ifric;' II. L'Isle's 
manuscript; still further, in treating of the question of author- 
ship, A. Method and style of the work; B. Rhythmical 
form; C, Vocabulary and phraseology. 

The text is printed in the Bihliothek der Angelsdchstschen 
Prosa^ Part III, and in Anglia 9, 25-38. 



150 Translations from the Bible. 

Job. In the brief account of Job found in ^Ifric's work On 
the Old Testament, there are these words: 'Be Mm 
ic fiwende on Englisc cwide iii:, 'concerning whom I once 
translated a sermon.' The work to which this quotation refers 
has been supposed by some to be the writing on Job published 
with Thwaites edition of the Heptateuch and Judges. But 
there stands among the Catholic Homilies one on the same 
subject {Horn. 11. 446-460)' which is identical with the first, 
except that that contains a few additional sentences. As a 
translation, the Job is more free than JElfric's other transla- 
tions from the Bible, and was evidently meant to be what its 
author calls it, a sermon, 'cwide.' 

We know of no writings of ^Ifric earlier than the Catho- 
lic Homilies. It is most probable that the scripture reading 
for the first Sunday in September suggested this work to 
^Ifric, and that later, on account of its large proportion of 
scripture translation, it was issued as a separate work. 

Dr. Forster, who has investigated the sources of the Catho- 
lic Homilies, says of the Job: ' The homily is almost entirely 
taken from the Bible. I know no source for the explanatory 
additions.' 

Thwaites edition is made from a copy by William L'Isle, 
of Bodl. Laud. E. 381 (earlier no. E. 33). Other MSS. are: 
Bodl. NE. F. 4. 12; two MSS. of the University Library, 
Cambridge, (Wanley, 159, 164); Cott. Cleopatra B. 13. 

'Judith, the widow who overcame Holofernes the 
^^ ' Syrian Prince, has a book of her own among the 
books which tell of their victories : it also has been translated 
into English in our fashion, as an example for you men, that 
ye may defend your land with weapons against a contending 
army.' Thus in the work On the Old Testament does ^Ifric 
mention a translation of Judith, but leaves his claim to author- 
ship unsettled. What presumption is there in favor of such a 
claim for him ? Several points in the passage above quoted make 



I'^lfricus * * * scribat se de Jobahomiliam olim transtulissetquamquidemhomil- 
iam in secundo serraonurn catholicorura libro, etc.'— Mores, De ^-El/rico Co7nmentarius. 



Translations from the Bible. 151 

it probable that ^Ifric is referring to a translation of his own. 
The sentence which precedes this passage says in respect to the 
book of Esther 'this I translated briefly into English in our 
fashion.' The 'also into English in our fashion' of the Judith 
suggests that he is consciously speaking of another work of 
his own. Again, ^Ifric's metrical homilies were his OAvn in- 
vention. He could reasonably say of such an one 'on ure wisan/ 
'in our fashion.' Still more, this passage is to be noted in 
comparison with the following passage of the same work, in 
which ^Ifric describes the book of Judges. He says, 'The 
book tells us plainly that they lived in peace as long as they 
worshipped the heavenly God, and as often as they forsook the 
living God they were harried and abased by the heathen 
nations who dwelt about them. When again they called earn- 
estly on God with true repentance, then he sent them hel}) 
through some judge, who overcame their enemies and freed 
them from their misery, and they long dwelt thus in their land. 
Men who care to hear this can read it in the English book 
which I translated concerning this. I thought that through 
the wonderful story j^e would turn your mind in earnest to the 
will of God.' When we remember that England was repeatedly 
devastated by the Danes during the years of iElfric's chief 
literary activity, and that he says in substance 'I wrote the 
book of Judges to make you patriotic citizens of your country,' 
we must surely find in his expressed knowledge of the motive 
which led to the translation of the Judith, and in that motive 
itself, strong arguments in favor of his authorship of the 
same. 

Such a Judith exists in two manuscripts, and bears every 
internal evidence of iElfric's writing. It tells its story in metri- 
cal form; it has ^Ifric's forcible style; it extols chastity in his 
characteristic manner; and its allegorical explanations are 
like those found in many places in his writings.' 



I See Appendix VI. 



162 Translations from the Bible. 

On the The Old English work On the Old and New 

Old and New Testaments was written at request of one Sigwerd 
Testaments, at Easthealon. It has the colloquial style of an 
eijistle, even when the address is not directly made to 
Sigwerd. At the head stand these words: 'This writing 
was composed for one man, but nevertheless it may benefit 
many.' At the beginning of each of the two divisions 
indicated by the title, and near the end of the second, there is 
a personal address to Sigwerd, and at the close, JElfric's 
usual warning to the scribe. Notwithstanding the variety of 
matter treated, the work might be called a sermon on the text, 
*Be ye doers of the word, and not hearers only.' Its first 
words are, '^Ifric Abbot sends friendly greeting to Sigwerd at 
Easthealon. I say to thee in truth that he is very wise 
who speaks by works.' This is the key-note of the whole. 
The occasion of the writing is given in the following words 
addressed to his friend: 'Thou didst very often ask me for 
English writings, and I did not consent quicklyj until thou 
didst strive for it with works, when thou besoughtest me earn- 
estly, for the love of God, that I would speak with thee at 
home, at thine house, and then when I was with thee, thou 
lamentdst much because thou couldst not obtain my writings.' 
The work as a whole is a practical, historical introduction to 
the Holy Scriptures. It ti'eats of the books and their authors, 
and inasmuch as it is designed for laymen, is popular in its 
character, and considers neither the history of the canon, nor 
the fundamental principles of exposition. As the author takes 
up the different books of the Bible, he designates himself suc- 
cessively as the translator of the Pentateuch, of Joshua, and of 
Judges; as a writer on the Kings, and on Daniel; and as a tran- 
slator from Job, Esther and the Maccabees; and refers incident- 
ally to other writings of his on Old Testament subjects. He 
speaks, too, of an English translation of Judith, but does not 
say that it is his. Thus ^Ifric's work is evidently intended 
to direct his readers to the Old English translations of books 
of the Bible, that each may read for himself. 



Translations from the Bible. 153 

In the introduction, he tells of the creation of the world by 
the Tri-une God; of the traditional creation and fall of the 
angels with their mighty leader, Lucifer; and of the creation 
and fall of man. Then are given in brief outline the contents 
of the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, and Ruth; of the four 
books of the Kings, and of Chronicles regarded as the fifth. 
Something is told of the individual kings: Saul, David, Solo- 
mon, Hezekiah and Josiah, of the capture of Zedekiah and the 
Babylonian captivity, and of the return to Palestine. 

The Psalter, 'placed in the Bible by David,' the three books 
which bear Solomon's name, and the Books of Wisdom and 
Ecclesiasticus, whose contents resemble Solomon's writings, 
'but were written by Jesus the Son of Sirach,' all are mentioned 
in their proper connection with their authors, or with their 
position in the Bible. Then follows discourse about the 
prophets: of Isaiah, who prophesied 'very wisely about Christ;' 
of Jeremiah, who lived a celibate, was persecuted, wrote -with 
spiritual understanding about the Saviour, and was, according 
to Augustine, visited by Plato, 'the wisest man among the 
heathen;' of Ezekiel, and Daniel carried to Babylon, who, also, 
were prophets of the Christ. Lastly follow in order accounts 
of the minor prophets, of the Sibyls 'who prophesied of the 
Saviour Christ, but their books are not in the Bible,' and of 
Esdras, Job, Tobias, Esther, Judith and the Maccabees. 

yElfric explains the object of the second part of the work in 
these words: 'I will now tell thee briefly of the new covenant 
after Christ's coming, that thou be not deprived of any under- 
standing of it, although thou canst not receive fully all the 
record of the true writing. Nevertheless, thou wilt be helped 
by this little example.' 

The story begins with John the Baptist, 'the end of the Old 
Law,' and the forerunner of Christ. 'As the day-star at dawn 
rises before the sun, so shone John before the Saviour.' The 
first of the four books of Christ was written by Matthew in 
the Hebrew tongue in Judea; the second by Mark from the 
teachings of Peter. Luke learned his gospel from Paul. John 



154 Translations from the Bible. 

wrote at request of the bishops in Asia. After an explanation 
of the animal symbols of the evangelists, ^Ifric gives a short 
narrative of Christ's life. 'I tell this briefly,' he says, 'for I 
have written indeed about these four books, forty homilies in 
the English language, and an addition thereto. Thou canst 
read this story more fully in those than I tell it here. 

The letters of the apostles are enumerated as follows : 
Peter, two; James the Just, one; John, three; Paul, fifteen, 
among which are not onl}' the letter to the Hebrews, but also 
the not-accepted letter to the Laodiceans. Last are consid- 
ered the Acts of the Apostles, and the Revelation of St. John. 
With the account of the former are incorporated the tradi- 
tional stories of the fates of the Apostles. To that of the latter 
is appended a long episode from Eusebius' Church history, the 
account of a young man who was saved by John. 

After this historical record there is a three-fold appendix. 
The first contains a comparison of the two covenants with the 
two Seraphim whom Isaiah saw in vision; a warning to teach- 
ers who do not draw their instructions from 'these holy books;' 
a comparison of the seventy-two books of the Bible with the 
seventy-two nations after the flood and the seventy-two dis- 
ciples who ended the fifth age of the world; something about 
the sixth, seventh and eighth ages of the world; and finally, ex- 
hortations to all men: workmen, warriors, and men of prayer, 
to fulfill their duties. The second appendix tells of the judg- 
ment which fell upon the unbelieving Jews in the destruction 
of Jerusalem. The third, brief appendix is a personal address 
to Sigwerd upon excessive drinking. 

There is no reason to believe that this work is a translation. 
It moves freely in the epistolary style, and works out an origi- 
nal line of thought in the material. One may ask, what Avere 
the sources used ? Appparently -^Ifric had before him Augus- 
tine's De Doctrina Christiana, Bk. II. Ch. 13, and drew 
from this some general information about the books of the 
Bible; but the details so far as they have to do with the con- 
tents of the books are his own. Besides this, the chief source 



Translations from the Bible. 155 

seems to be a writing of Isidore's, in which the latter also is 
indebted to Augustine. This work is entitled In Libros 
Veteris ac JVovi Testamenti Proemia? With the order 
of books found there, ^Ifric agrees almost entirely. Ilis 
comparison of the two testaments with the two Seraphim 
of Isaiah; the explanation of the animal symbols of the 
evangelists, and Avhat he says of the Avise steward who brings 
forth things new and old out of his treasure, correspond with 
this Avork of Isidore's. Still other correspondences between 
the two works could be named. JElfric's comparison of the 
seventy-two books of the Bible with the seventy-two languages 
of the earth is found in another short writing of Isidore's: De 
Veteri et Novo Testamento Qucmtlonesr 

There have been three complete editions of this writing: 
two issued by LTsle (1623 and 1638); and one by Grein, 
(1872). Of these, Professor Sweet says, 'The text given by 
De L'Isle, on which that of Grein is based, is full of omissions 
and wanton alterations, which I have carefully supplied and 
corrected,' (that is, in Professor Sweet's ^elfric on the Old 
Testament, in his Anglo-Saxon Reader). Parts of this work 
have been printed several times. 

There is one manuscript, Bodl. Laud, E 19, Oxford. 



1 Migne, Patrologia Latiiia, 83. 155 ff. 

2 Migne, Pairoiogia Latina^ 83. 200 ff. 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE LIFE OF ST. ^THELWOLD; CLERIC'S DE 
CONSUETXTDINE MONACHORUM. 

The Life The authenticity of the Latin life of St. 

of ^thelwold which bears ^Ifric's name is 

St. ^thelwold. hardly questioned at the present day. The 
doubt which once existed was due to mistaken ideas of JElfric's 
identity. The only circumstance which could now lead any 
one to question his authorship is that the writer says so 
little of his own acquaintance with ^thelwold, and yet -^Ifric 
must have known him personally. 

It may perhaps be accounted for in this way: more than 
twenty years had passed since ^thelwold's death, and mean- 
while he had in a measure been set apart from ordinary men 
by his canouization, and by the reverence in which he was held. 
^Ifric when he knew him was a young man, ^thelwold a ven- 
erable bishop. The acquaintance need hardly have been 
one of very much personal familiarity. But this objection to 
^Ifric's authorship has little weight in comparison with the 
external and internal evidence on the other side. 

The prologue of the work is as follows: '^Ifric abbot, an 
alumnus of Winchester, desires for the honorable Bishop 
Kenulph and the brethren of Winchester salvation in Christ. 
It seems to me worthy now at last to call to mind some of the 
deeds of our father and great teacher, ^thelwold, for twenty 
years have passed since his departure. With my narrative, 
brief indeed and unadorned, I gather into this writing those 
things which I have learned either from you or from other 
faithful ones, lest perchance they pass into utter oblivion for 
want of writers.' This dedication, addressed to Bishop Ken- 
ulph who became bishop of Winchester in 1006, and died in 
the same year, is by an ^Ifric who was an alumnus of Win- 
chester; who was acquainted with the Winchester brethren; 



The Life of St. yEthehoold. 157 

and who had already become an abbot: conditions which suit 
our author. William of Malmesbmy ascribes the work, ap- 
parently in agreement with the unquestioned traditions of his 
time, to ^Ifric the well-known writer/ 

Even more assuring are the style and the tone of this life. 
It is rare to find among the writers of that day any one who 
wrote with ^dElfric's simplicity and directness. He knew what 
he wished to say, and Avhen to stop, and could write without 
bombast. All this is true of the author of this life of ^thel- 
wold. He writes with the historical spirit of one who has tried 
to find out what the truth is, and to tell it in clear, simple lan- 
guage so that others may understand it also, but he does not 
expand it for the sake of expansion. The work contains sev- 
eral references to the author's personal acquaintance with 
^thelwold, and shows sympathy for the work in which 
-^thelwold spent his life. Yet it is not written in a partisan 
spirit, and the author keeps himself well in the background. 
The ^Ethelwold whose life and character are described here is 
the same man who appears in chronicles and other writings 
of that day, 'terrible as a lion to the disobedient, but gentler 
than a dove with the meek and humble,' the great founder of 
monasteries, the trusted friend of Dunstan and King Edgar. 

A second life of ^tbelwold bears the name of Wulfstau, a 
monk and precentor of Winchester, who is mentioned as such 
by ^Ifric in iEthelwold's life. This book, which is longer 
than the first, is not an original production, but ^Elfric's work 
re-written, with expansions and additions, so that it is more 
than twice as long. Wulfstan claims to write from personal 
knowledge of his subject (' ea quae praesentes ipsi vidimus'), 
but makes no acknowledgment of his debt to ^Ifric. In some 
cases he has added interesting details not found in ^Ifric: for 
example, where he tells of iEthelwold's work in the garden at 
Glastonbury, and of his preparing fruit and vegetables for the 
table; and again, when he speaks of Eadred's special love for 
the Old Monastery at Winchester, and of his gifts to Win- 
chester Church. In many places he does little more than ex- 

I Gesta Poiiiificu7n, 406. Rolls Series. 
11 



158 The Life of St. JEthelwold. 

pand JElfric's ideas. Thus ^Ifric says of ^Etlielwold at Glas 
tonbury: ' Didicit iiamque inibi grammaticam artera et me- 
tricam,' but Wulfstan: 'Didicit namque inibi liberalem 
grammaticae artis peritiam, atque mellifluam metricae rationis 
dulcedinem.' The last chapter of Wulfstan's book gives a de- 
scription of the dedication of ^thehvold's new church at 
Winchester, whicli is not found in ^Ifric's, and into this chap- 
ter he introduces a poetical passage of his own on the subject 
just named. He also relates two miracles not told in the first 
life. 

That ^Ifric's work is not simply an abridgment of Wulf- 
stan's is certain. He says distincth^ that he writes lest the 
matter should be utterly forgotten. This he could not have 
done if the brethren at Winchester were alreadj'^ in possession 
of a life written by one of their own number. The deceit 
would be quickly found out in such a case. But, aside from 
the straightforward tone of JElfric's life, such dishonesty does 
not belong to him; he was always careful to give his sources. 
Wulfstan seems to have been of a different mind, for not only 
does he fail in the preface of this work to say anything of a 
former writing, but in the story of St. Swithun written by him 
he makes no acknowledgment of Landferth from whom he 
copies. 

Wulfstan's additions to iElfric's life are such as might be 
expected from a later writer in a bombastic age who had 
something of his own to add, but who did not undei'take to 
write an independent work. He follows ^Ifric's order, often 
uses his language, though with variations, and keeps close to 
the original in the substance of the story. His work is never- 
theless of value, for it adds something to the original life; his 
facts are in part derived from his own knowledge, and most or 
all of them are doubtless from reliable sources. 

It is unnecessary to speak here of the claims that have been 
put forward for ^Ifric Bata." 

^Ifric's life is printed by Stevenson in the appendix of the 

I Cf. pp, go, 143-4, App. I. 



Excerpts from the De Consitetudine. 159 

second volume of Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, from 
MS. Lat. 5362, of the Imperial Library at Paris. The Codex 
Fiscannensis is named by Mabillon as the source of ^Ifric's 
preface, which he prints in Acta Sanet. JBened. Saec. V. p. 
606. 

Wulfstan's life is printed by Mabillon in the above-named 
book, and also in the Acta Sanctorum (edited by J. Bollan- 
dus), Vol. 35. 
Excerpts from Every newly-organized monastery in the 

iEthclwoId's tenth century needed instruction in the Rule 
De Consuetudine. of the Benedictine order. For this reason 
^thelwold, first of all, sent Osgar to Fleury to learn to teach 
it to the brethren at Abingdon; and Oswald sent thither for 
Germanus to come and teach those at Worcester. ^Ifric was 
sent to Cernel for a similar purpose; and Bishop yEthelwold 
himself went from abbey to abbey giving instruction in the 
same Rule. For a like reason iElfric when he had become 
Abbot of Eynsham arranged for the use of his monks an 
abridgment of the compilation, De Consuetudine Monachoritm, 
which had been prepared by ^"Ethelwold. He says in his in- 
troduction: ' I give in writing these few things from the book 
of monastic usage which, in the time of Edgar, most happy 
king of the English, St. ^thelwold, Bishop of Winchester, 
with his felloAV-bishops and abbots, collected from all quarters, 
and instituted to be observed by monks.' ^Elfric speaks here 
from personal knowledge of the antecedents of JEthelwold's 
writing; and that writing which he mentions, is apparently not 
a translation into English, but a compilation in Latin,' What 
do we know of xEthelwold in connection with the Rule of St. 
Benedict ? 

A passage in the anonymous Historia Ecclesiae Eliensis 
(Bk. I, ch. 49)^ says that King Edgar and iElfthryth o-ave 
the manor of Southborne to ^thelwold for the abbey of Ely 

1 1 thus correct the statement made on pp. 63-4, that /Elfric's excerpts were from 
the English translation. 

2 1691. Historiae Bn'taiinicae, Sa.ronicae, etc., ex vetustis Codd. MSS. editi opera 
Thomae Gale. 



160 Excerpts from the De Consuetudine. 

on condition that he would translate the Benedictine Rule into 
English, and that ' he did it." 

From what has been said it is to be inferred that -^thel wold 
made both a translation into English and a compilation in 
Latin. We will speak first of the translation. 

No manuscripts, so far as we know, have come down from 
ancient times with ^thelwold's name attached. But as thei-e 
are several anonymous English versions of about his date, 
there is no reason to suppose that his work has been lost. On 
the contrary, his position as the king's chief minister in re- 
establishing monasteries, must have led to the spread of his 
work, and all of the different English versions of this period 
are undoubtedly, directly or indirectly, indebted to him. It 
has long been a matter of much interest to ascertain the 
authorship of the Old English Benedictine Rule, which has 
been ascribed to Dunstan as well as to ^thelwold. 

A translation which follows the Latin Rule of St. Benedict 
chapter by chapter, is found in the following manuscripts: 
MS. A: C. C. C. C. 178 (S. 6), End of 10th or begin, of 11 th 
Cent. MS. O: C. C. C. C. 197, End of 10th or begin, of 11th 
Cent. MS. T: Brit. Mus. Cott. Tit. A. IV, 2d half of llth 
Cent. MS. F: Brit. Mus. Cott. Faust. A. X, End of llth or 
begin, of 12th Cent. MS. W: Wells Fragment. 

This work, which has been edited by Professor Schroer, is 
ascribed by him to iEthelwold.'* One strong evidence in 
favor of this claim is the following: MS. F contains an his- 
torical postcript which by internal evidence is of ^thelwold's 
composition.^ Its beginning is wanting. The writing tells of 
the refounding of Abingdon by Edgar, and of his zeal in 
purifying the holy places and establishing right life in the 
monasteries. It speaks also of his commanding a translation 
of the Rule from Latin into English. Up to this point the 



1 As ^thelwold refounded Ely in 970, and Edgar died in 975, this translation was 
probably made between those years. 

2 Printed in Grein's BM. der A .-S. Prosa, Pt. II. 

3 Printed, with English translation, in Cockayne's LeechdomSy IVortatnninff^ etc. 
III. 432-445. 



Excerpts from the De ConsuetucUne. 161 

text is written in the third person ; but now, with no change 
of subject, it passes into the first person in a way that indicates 
that the writer of the tract is the author of the translation. 
Tlie passage: 'We also teach abbesses, etc.,' suggests an 
author who was in a position of authority in respect to 
nunneries, such an one as ^thelwold held and exercised con- 
spicuously when bishop. Moreover, the modest but inde- 
pendent way in which the author in the last part of this tract 
speaks of the translation, would be appropriate in a preface or 
postscript by JEthelwold. 

To ^thelwold is also ascribed the compilation, Concordia 
Regularis, found (with Old English glosses) in MS. Cott. Tib. 
A. Ill, fol. 3-27.' From its Preface we learn that it was pre- 
pared at the king's desire, as expressed at the Council of Win- 
chester, in order that the monasteries of his kingdom might 
have a correct and uniform Rule.' There is a manifest con- 
nection between this Preface and the tract mentioned as found 
in MS. F, above. It treats, though more fully, some of the 
same subjects, and so nearly in the same order that the like- 
ness cannot have happened by chance. Yet it is not the same 
writing. As the Preface belongs to the compilation, so the 
tract may well be a preface by the same author to the transla- 
tion of St. Benedict's Rule, which would easily get separated 
from that, since it was not the important part to be transcribed 
for actual use. 

From the investigation of the subject by Mr. F. Tupper: 
History and Texts of the Benedictine Reform of the Tenth 
Century,'' we take the following in reference to the Concordia 
Regularis. He says: 'I paraphrase portions of the "Preface." 
In his opening address to the churchmen assembled at Win- 
chester, the King advised them to observe the same customs 



1 Printed by W. S. Logeman in A nglia 13. 365-454, with an introduction in A nglia 15. 
20-40; also (without the glosses) in Dugdale's Monasticon, I. xxvii, ff., and in Migne's 
Patrologia Latina \yj. 47s ff. 

2 The date of this Council of Winchester is not certain. It has been variously given 
as 967, 968, and 969. See Mod. Lang. Notes 1893, 351. 

3 Mod. Lang. Notes, 1893, 344-367. 



162 Excerpts from the De Gonsuetudine. 

in order that an unequal and diverse observance of one rule 
might be avoided. 

' Written constitutions were, however, necessar}"^ to produce 
such a concord, and their drafting is described at some length. 
The sources of the Concordia seem to have been three: 

1. The teachings of the Benedictine Rule. 

2. The monastic customs of Continental Monasteries. 

3. Native monastic customs.' 

'It should be stated that the Concordia Preface and the 
evidence of ^Ifric prove that many hands were concerned in 
the compilation of these Constitutions. One figure, however, 
stands out distinctly from among the drafters; one man, I 
believe, brought cosmos into the chaotic mass of collected 
materials. My object will be to sustain the view that the 
prelate who held the pen and stamped the document with 
some of his own personality, was not Dunstan, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, but ^thelwold, Bishop of Winchester.' 

Tapper then quotes ^Ifric's Eynsham Letter (see ch. XIII), 
and continues as follows: 

'Upon this, two arguments can be based to show that 
-^thelwold was the Author of the Concordia. 

I. The description of ^thelwold's Liher Consuetudinum, 
given here by ^Ifric, proves beyond question that it was the 

Concordia. 

II. ^Ifric's " Abridgment" which follows the "Eynsham 
Letter" in the MS. was clearly compiled from the Concordia., 
cf. Breck, p. 8.' 

Tupper supports his view by ' internal evidence,' ' tradition,' 
and ' historical and documentary evidence.' 

We can hardly agree with him in the contrast that he draws 
between ^thelwold and Dunstan. He says: 'I might add 
that the careless way in which the Concordia writer alludes 
to the lax morals of Edgar, is certainly not what we should 
expect fi'om the purist Dunstan who had dragged Edwy from 
the embraces of his mistress, and condemned Edgar to seven 
years' penance for a carnal offence.' But neither should we 



Excerpts from the De Gonsuetudine. 163 

expect it from ^thelwold. This passage viewed by itself 
alone is, we think, an argument against the authorship of 
^thelwold. It is probably to be explained thus: the relation 
between the bishop and the king was about like that of a 
father and a favorite son, and in this case the father yielded 
to the natural impulse to make excuses for the faults of the son 
in consideration of his winning qualities and actions, especially 
when the son showed by word and deed sincere interest in the 
welfare of the nation, which was the father's dearest interest. 
To us the ' high-handed policy of the Bishop of Winchester' 
does not indicate ' mildness' ' associated with zeal,' even though 
we accept fully vElfric's statement that he was ' gentler than 
a dove with the meek and obedient'; what is told of him shows 
that with all his winning traits, and his unusually attractive 
personality, he could be, and often was, ' terrible as a lion to 
the disobedient.' Contrast his treatment of the secular clergy 
with that of Dunstan or Oswald. 

We come now to the question of ^Ifric's excerpts. His 
Eynsham letter, found only in MS. C. C. C. C. 265, fol. 237, is 
followed by thirty-one pages of rules of monastic life. These 
have not yet been printed, except one page in Dr. Breck's dis- 
sertation. From the preface we must conclude that what 
was to follow was not an abridgment of ^thelwold's transla- 
tion, but of the Concordia Regidaris. Position in the manu- 
script, closely connected with the unquestionably genuine 
letter of JElfric, is the strongest possible external evidence 
that we have here ^If ric's work for the Eynsham brethren, and 
Dr. Breck accepts it as such. He says that his personal examina- 
tion of this Cambridge manuscript 'showed this to be a Latin 
letter of ^Ifric's.' ' My next step was to discover ^thel- 
wold's work JJe Consuetudine Monachorum, the book from 
which ^If ric's Abridgment was compiled. That this searched- 
for work could not be the Benedictine Monastic Rule pub- 
lished by Schroer was evident from a mere examination of 
^Ifric's letter, the subject-matter being so different in nature 
and arrangement as to make this impossible. In the MS., 



164 Excerpts from the De Conmetudine. 

however, which occupies the^^rs^ place in the volume Tib. A. 
III. of the Cottonian Library, I am convinced that I have dis- 
covered the De Gonsuetudine Monachorum of ^thelwold 
from which ^Ifric's epistle was compiled.' 

From ^Ifric's preface (see ch. XIII.) two points are clear 
in reference to his work: first, that it was relatively a short 
.one (' haec pauca de Libro Coiisuetudiniim'') , and, secondly, 
that to excerpts from the De Consuetudine he added * some 
things which the Rule does not touch,' and ' also some things 
from the book of Amalarius." Therefore the Avork found in 
MS. C. C. C. C. 265, will approve itself as ^Ifric's work if it 
answers to the following tests: first, it must show additions 
from Amalarius, and also from other sources besides the 
Concordia Regxdaris; secondly, it must show -^Ifric's manner 
of making abridgments or compends; and, thirdly, the language 
must be his. 

Fragments of the Concordia Regularis translated into the 
Old English of this period are still extant. Is there reason to 
think that any of these are ^Ifric's work ? Dr. Breck has 
endeavored to show that the one found in MS. Tib. A. III. fol. 
174a ff., is by our author.'' He writes: 'The fragment is plainly 
in the ^Flfrician dialect and manner with the exception of a 
few phrases seemingly foreign to the Abbot's style; but these 
are amply accounted for when one remembers that the Frag- 
ment is a literal translation.'' ' It is either a product of his 
own hand, or that of some one of his contemporaries, or per- 
haps pupils.' On the other hand, Zupitza writes of this same 
'Fragment': 'Its author's gross misunderstandings of the 
original forbid us to ascribe it to the author of the Latin 
Grammar and the Colloquium.'^ 



1 Amalarius' De Ecclesiasticis Officiis, in Migne's Patrologia Lathta, Vol. 105. 

2 Aversion of 11. 170-257 of C. /?., printed by Professor Schroer in Englische Studien, 
g, 294-296, and by Dr. Breck in his dissertation (see Bibl. 1887). 

3 Herrig's Archiv fur Neuere Sprachen,Z^. 24. Zupitza printed in this article an 
Old English translation of 11. 612-753 of the C. R., found in MS. C. C. C. C. 201 (S. iS)- 
This is not ascribed to yElfric. 



CHAPTER XIII. 
PEEFACES OF vELFEIC'S WORKS. 

LATIN PREFACE OF THE CATHOLIC HOMILIES I, 
IN NOMINE DOMINI. 

Ego ^Ifricus, alumnus ASelwokli, benevoli et venerabilis 
Presulis, salutem exopto Domno Archiepiscopo Sigerico in 
Domino. Licet temere vel presumptuose, tamen transtulimns 
liunc coclicem ex libris Latinorimi, scilicet Sancte Scripture 
in nostram consuetam sermocinationem, ob fedificationem 
siniplicinm, qui banc nornnt tantummodo locutionem, sive 
legendo sive audiendo; ideoque nee obscura posuimus verba, 
sed simplicem Anglicam, quo facilius possit ad cor pervenire 
legentium vel audientium, ad ntilitatem animarnm snarnrn. 
quia alia lingua nesciunt erudiri, quam in qua nati sunt. Nee 
ubique transtulimns verbum ex verbo, sed sensnm ex sensu, 
cavendo tamen diligentissime deceptivos errores, ne invenire- 
mur aliqua liajresi seducti sen fallacia fuscati. Hos namqne 
anctores in hac explanatione sumns sequnti, videlicet Augus- 
tinum Hippouensem, Hieronimum, Bedam, G-regorinm, 
Smaragdum, et aliqnando Haymonem; hornm denique 
auctoritas ab omnibns catliolicis libentissime suscipitur. Nee 
solum Evangeliornm tractatns in isto libello exposuimns, 
verum etiam Sanctorum passiones vel vitas, ad ntilitatem 
idiotarum istius gentis. Quadraginta sententias in isto libro 
posuimus, credentes boc sufficere posse per annnm fidelibus, 
si integre eis a ministris Dei recitentur in ecclesia. Alterum. 
vero librum modo dictando liabemus in manibus, qui illos 
tractatns vel passiones continet quos iste omisit; nee tamen 
omnia Evangelia tangiinns per circulum anni, sed ilia tantum- 
modo quibus speramns sufficere posse simplicibus ad 
animarnm emendationem, quia secnlares omnia neqneunt 
capere, quamvis ex ore doctorum audiant. Duos libros 



166 Prefaces of ^Ifric's Works. 

in ista traiislatione facimiis, persuadentes ut legatur uniis 
per annum in ecclesia Dei, et alter anno sequenti, nt non 
fiat tedium auscnltantibus; tamen damns licentiam, si aliciii 
melius placet, ad unum librum ambos ordinare. Ergo si 
alieui displicit, primum in interpretatione, quod non semper 
verbum ex verbo, aut quod breviorem explicationem quam 
tractatus auctorum habent, sive quod non per ordinem ecclesi- 
astici ritus omnia Evangelia tractando percurrimns; condat 
sibi altiore interjoretatione librum, quomodo intellectui ejus 
placet: tantum obsecro, ne pervertat nostram interpreta- 
tionem, quam speramus ex Dei gratia, non causa Jactantiae, 
nos studiose secuti valuimus interpretari. Precor modo ob- 
nixe almitatem tuam, mitissime Pater Sigerice, ut digneris 
corrigere per tuam industriam, si aliqnos nevos malignae 
haeresis, aut nebulosae fallaciae in nostra interpretatione rep- 
peries: te adscribatur dehinc hie codicillus tuae auctoritati, 
non utilitati nostrae despicabilis personae. 
Vale in Deo Omnipotenti jugiter. Amen. 

ENGLISH PEEFACE OF CATHOLIC HOMILIES L 

Ic ^Ifric raunuc and mjessepreost, swapeah wacere ]?onne 
swilcum hadum gebyrige, weart5 fisend on JEthelredes dajge 
cyninges fram ^Ifeage biscope, AiSelwoldes jeftergengan, to 
sumum mynstre ])e is Cernel gehaten, ])urh ^Selmferes bene 
Soes ))egenes, his gebyrd and godnys sind gehwaer cu])e. pa 
beam me on mode, ic truwige ])urh Godes gife, ]?8et ic Saes 
boc of Ledenum gereorde to Engliscre sprsece awende; na 
}nirh gebylde mycelre lare, ac for]jan ]>e ic geseab and gehj^rde 
raycel gedwyld on manegum Engliscum bocum, )>e ungelSrede 
raenn ]mrh heora bilewitnysse to micclum wisdome tealdon; 
and me ofhreow pnet bi ne cu|ion ne m^fdon ])a godspellican 
lare on heora gewritum, bfiton Jnlm mannum anum Se ])aet 
Leden ci'itSon, and bfiton pam bocum Se Alfred cyning snoter- 
lice awende of Ledene on Englisc, ])a synd to hcebbenne. For 
]>isum antimbre ic gedyrstlaehte, on Gode truwiende, ffet ic 
Sas gesetnysse undergann, and eac forSam ])e menn beh6fiat5 



Prefaces of ^Ifric's Works. 167 

godre lilre swiSost on pisum timau ]>q is geendung J)yssere 
worulde, and bee's fela frecednyssa on raancynne ser'San fe se 
ende became, swa swa ure Drihten on his godspelle cwaeS to- 
his leorning-cnilitum, ' Donne bco6 swilce gedreccednyssa 
swilce nseron neefre &v frain frymSe middangeardes. Manega 
lease Cristas cumaS on minum naraan, cweSende, " ic eom 
Crist," and wyrcaS fela tucna and wundra, to bepeecenne 
mancynn, and eac swylce ])a gecorenan men, gif hit gewurjjan 
moeg: and butan se vElraihtiga God Sa dagas gescyrte, eall 
mennisc forwurde; ac for his gecorenum he gescyrte ptl dagas.' 
Gehwa m£eg )>e eatJelicor Sa toweardan costnunge acuman, 
6urh Godes fultum, gif he biS ])urh bodice hire getryramed; 
fortian Se p»a beo]) gehealdene ]>e oS ende on geleafan purh- 
wuniaS. Fela gedreccednyssa and earfoSnysse becumaS on 
pissere worulde aer hire geendunge, and Jnl synd Sa bydelas 
]>ses ecan forwyrdes on yfelum mannura, j>e for heora mfin- 
dsedum siSSan ecelice j)rowiaS on 'Saere sweartan helle. . . . 
lire Drihten behead his discipulura j^tet hi sceoldon Iseran and 
tsecan ealhini feodum Sa Sing J>e he sylf him tsehte; ac 
J»eera is nil to lyt Se wile wel tsecan and wel bysnian. Se ylca 
Drihten clypode Jnirh his witegan Ezechiel, 'Gif ]'u ne ge- 
stentst pone nnrihtwisan, and hine ne manast, ptet he fram his 
arleasnysse gecyrreand lybbe, ponne swelt searleasa on his iin- 
rihtwisnysse, and ic wille ofgfin a^t Se his blod', ])a3t is his 
lyre. 'Gif Su Sonne J»one firleasan gewarnast, and he nele 
fram his firleasnysse gecyrran, )ni alysdest ]nne sawle mid peere 
mynegunge, and se arleasa swylt on his unrihtwisnysse.' Eft 
cwffiS se JElmihtiga t(3 }nim witegan Isfiiam, ' Clj'^pa and ne 
geswic Su, ahefe ]nne stemne swa swa byme, and cyS miaum 
folce heora leahtras, and Jacobes hirede heora synna.' For 
swylcum bebeodum wearti me geSuht piet ic nsere unscyldig 
wis God, gif ic nolde oSrum raannum cy^an, oSSe ])urh, 
tungan oSSe purh gewritu, pa godspellican sofiBstnysse pe he 
sylf gecwffiS, and eft halgum lareowum onwreah. For wel fela 
ic wat on pisum earde gelseredran ponne ic sy, ac God geswu- 
telaS his wundra purh Sone pe he wile. Swa swa telmihtig 



168 Prefaces of ^Ifric's Works. 

wyrhta, he wja-c^ his weorc ]mrh his gecorenan, na swylce he 
behofige ures fultumes, ac ]>oet we geearnion ])?et ece lif Jnirh 
his weorces fremminge. Paulus se apostol cwce^, ' We sind 
Godes gefylstan,' and swfi Seah ne do we nau }nng to Gode, 
buton Godes fultume. Nu bidde ic and halsige on Godes 
uaman, gif hwii ]>as boo fiwrltan wylle, )'9et he hi geornlice 
gerihte be ]>aere bysene, ]>yl£es J)e we ]>urh gymelease writeras 
geleahtrode beoii. Mycel yfel det5 se8e leas writ, bilton he 
hit gerihte, swylce he gebringe ))a soSan lure to leasum ge- 
dwylde: for]n sceal gehwa gerihtlsecan ]rxl j'ret he ser to woge 
gebigde, gif he on Godes dome unscj^dig beon wile. Quid 
necesse est in hoc codice capitula ordinare, cum prediximus 
quod xl. sententias in se contineat ? excepto quod JE))elwerdus 
dux vellet habere xl. quattuor in suo libro. 

LATIN PREFACE OF THE CATHOLIC HOMILIES II. 
IN NOMINE CHRISTI OMNIPOTENTIS. 

^Ifricus, humilis servulus Christi, honorabili et amando 
Archiepiscopo Sigerico perpetuam sospitatem optat in Domino. 
Fateor Almitati tuae, Domne venerabilis, omnimodis me in- 
dignum, et quasi superstitiosum, quod presumpsi tibi alloqui 
divinis sermocinationibus, videlicet per codicellum quern 
nuper tufe auctoritati direximus: sed quia nostrum studium 
nimium laudasti, gratanter illam interpretationem suscipiens, 
festiuavimus hunc sequentem librum, sicuti Omnipotentis Dei 
gratia nobis dictavit, interpretare, non garrula verbositate, aut 
ignotis sermonibus, sed puris et apertis verbis linguae hujus 
gentis, cupientes plus prodesse auditoribus simplici locutione 
quam laudari artificiosi sermonis compositioue, quam nequa- 
quam didicit nostra simplicitas; et licet multis injuriis infes- 
tium piratarum concutiebaraur, postquam prrefatum libellum 
tuae Sanctitati transmisimus, tamen nolentes repperiri falsidici 
promisores, dolente animo hoc opus perfecimus. Igitur in 
anteriore opere ordinavimus xl. sermones, in isto vero non 
minor nuraerus sententiarum invenitur, quamvis aliquae illarum 
brevitate angustentur. Hoc quoque opus commendamus ture 



Prefaces of yElfric's Works. 169 

auctoritati corrigendum, quemadmodum et precedens, 
precantes obnixe ne parcas oblitterare, si aliquas maligiKe 
hueresis maculas in eo repperies, quia malo apud Benignita- 
tem tuam reprehendi quam iucauta seductione apud inscios 
laudari. Perlegat queso Benignitas vestra banc nostram 
interpretationem, quemadmodum et j^riorem, et dijudicet si 
fidelibus catholicis habenda est, an abicienda. Nequaquam 
DOS invidorum reprebensio raovet, si boc raunus tua3 benigne 
auctoritati non displicuerit. Vale in Cbristo jugiter. Amen. 

ENGLISH PREFACE OF THE CATHOLIC HOMILIES II, 

Ic ^Ifric munuc aweude ]'as boc of Ledenum bocum to 
Eno-liscum gereorde, ]nlm mannura to rsedenne ])e ]nBt Leden 
ne cunnon. Ic hi genam of bfdgum godspelhim, and jefter 
geSungenva Ifireowa trabtnungum bi asraeade, J^sera klreowa 
naman ic awrat on Ssere serran bee, on Ssere Ledenan fore- 
spruce. Ic gesette on twam bocum ]'a gereccednysse Se ic 
awende, forSan 6e ic Sohte ])ffit bit w£ere Isesse aeSrjt to ge- 
byrenne, gif man 6a ane boc rset on fines geares ymbryne, 
and 6a 66re on 6am geftran geare. On ^g6er fsera boca sind 
f eowertig cwyda, buton 6sere foi-espreece, ac hi ne sind na 
ealle of godspelhim genumene, ac sind forwel fela of Godes 
halgena life o66e ]n-6wunge gegaderode, J>aera aura pe Angel- 
cynn mid freols-dagum Avur8a6. ^tforan selcum cvvyde we 
setton 6a swutelunge on Leden, ma3g swa-6eah se 6e wile 
pa capitulas ajfter 6£ere forespraece geendebyrdian. Nii bidde 
ic and halsige, on Godes naman, gif hwa 6as boc awrltan 
wylle, ])?et he hi geornlice geribte be 6£ere bysne, pe-l^s 6e 
we, jnirb gymeleasum writerum, geleahtrode buon. Micel yfel 
de6 se 6e leas writ, bi'iton he bit geribte, swilce he gebringe 
6a so6an lare to leasum gedwylde: for6l sceal gebwa cje- 
rihtleecan |)a3t f^et he ser to woge gebigde, gif he on Godes 
dome unscyldig beon wile. 

ADMONITION WHICH FOLLOWS THE ENGLISH PREFACE IN 
THE CATHOLIC HOMILIES II. 

Unum adbuc vellem preponere buic libello, non quasi pre- 
fationem, sed quasi amraonitionem: scilicet, cavende ebrie- 



110 Prefaces of ^Ifric's Works. 

tatis, sicut Dominus in Levitico and Aaron his verbis locutus 
est, 'Dixit Dominus ad Aaron, Vinum et omne quod inebri- 
ari potest non bibes tu et filii tui, quando intratis taberna- 
culum testimonii, ne moriamini, quia preceptura est sempi- 
ternum in generationes vestras, et ut babeatis scientiam dis- 
cernendi inter sanctum et prophanum, inter poUutum et 
mundum.' In Novo Testamento quoque Dominus ammo- 
nivit discipulos suos, liis verbis, dicens, 'Adtendite autem 
vobis, ne forte graventur corda vestra in crapula et ebrietate 
et curis hujus vitre, et superveniat in vos repentina dies ilia." 
Tantum vitium est ebi'ietas, ut Paulus apostolus et doctor 
gentium adtestetur, "Ebriosos regnum Dei possidere non 
posse.' O quam beati sunt qui Deo vivunt, et non seculo, 
virtutibus, et non vitiis; et quamvis sanctorum patrum jejunia 
vel abstinentiam non valeamus imitari, nequaquam tamen 
debemus enerviter succumbere nefandis crapulis et aebrie- 
tatibus, Domini nostri et Dei terribilibus commoniti com- 
minationibus. Sufficiunt hsec monita docibilibus, nam in- 
docibilibus et duris corde nulla sufficiunt hortamenta. Iterum 
Togo et opto ut valeas, venerabilis Archiepiscope Sigerice, 
jugiter in Christo. Amen. 

LATIN PREFACE OF THE GRAMMAR. 

Ego ^Ifricus, ut minus sapiens, has excerptiones de Pris- 
ciano minore vel maiore uobis puerulis tenellis ad uestrara 
linguara transferre studui, quatinus perlectis octo partibus 
Donati in isto libello potestis utraraque linguam, uidelicet 
Latinam et Anglicam, uestrae teneritudini inserere interim, 
usque quo ad perfectiora perueniatis studia. noui namque 
multos me reprehensuros, quod talibus studiis meum ingenium 
occupare uoluissem, scilicet grammaticam artem ad Anglicam 
linguam uertendo. sed ego deputo banc lectiouem inscientibus 
puerulis, non senibus, aptandam fore, scio raultiraodis uerba 
posse interpretari, sed ego simplicem interpretationem sequor 
fastidii uitandi causa, si alicui tamen displicuerit, nostram in- 
"iterpretationem dicat, quomodo unit: nos contenti sumus, sicut 



Prefaces of JSlf tic's Works. IVI 

didicimus in scola ASelwolcli, uenerabilis praesulis, qui multos 
ad bonum imbuit. sciendum tamen, quod ars grammatica 
multis in locis non facile Anglicae linguae capit interpreta- 
tionem, sicut de pedibus uel metris, de quibus hie reticemus, 
sed aestimaraus ad inchoationeni tamen banc interpretationem 
paruulis prodesse posse, sicut iam diximus. miror ualde, quare 
multi corripiunt sillabas in prosa, quae in metro breues sunt, 
cum prosa absoluta sit a lege metri; sicut pronuntiant pater 
Brittonice et nialus et similia, quae in metro babentur breues. 
mihi tamen uidetur melius inuocare Deum patrem lionorifice 
producta sillaba, quam Brittonice corripere, quia nee Deus arti 
grammaticae subiciendus est. Ualete, o jjueruli, in Domino. 

ENGLISH PREFACE OF THE GRAMMAR. 

Ic ^Ifric wolde ]>iis lytlan buc fiwendan to engliscum 
gereorde of 'Sam stafcriTefte, ])e is gebfiten grammatica, 
sy'SSan ic 'Sfi twa bee awende on hundeahtatigum spellum, 
forSan 'Se sta^fcra^ft is sco ceeg, Se Sgera boca audgit unlicS; 
and ic pohte, jJtet 'Seos boc mibte fremian jungum cildum to 
anginne ])oes craeftes, oSSret In to maran andgyte becumon. 
ffilcum men gebyra'S, ]ie Snigne godne cra^ft ba^fS, J'ret he 'Sone 
do nytne oSrum mannum and bef ajste ]>iet pund, ]>e him god 
befaeste, sumum oSrum men, pget godes feoh ne fetlicge and be 
beo lySra ])eowa gebfiten and beo gebunden and geworpen into 
Seostrum, swaswa ]>xt bulige godspel segS. jungum mannum 
gedafenaS, ]>pet lil leornion sumne wisdom and 6am ealdum 
gedafenaS, j'a^t bi tsecon sum gerad heora junglingum, fort^an 
■Se Surli lare byS se geleafa gebealden. and eelc man, Se wisdom 
lufa'S, byS gesaelig, and se Se naSor nele ne leornian ne 
tsecan, gif he maeg, ])onne acolaS his andgyt fram Seere hiilgan 
lare, and he gewit swa lytlum and lytluni fram gode. hwanon 
sceolon cuman wise lareowas on godes folce, buton hi on 
jugo^e leornion ? and hfi mjeg se geleafa beon forSgenge, gif 
seo lar and Sa lareowas ateoriaS ? is nil for Si godes j^eowum 
and mynstermannum georne to warnigenne, ]>set see halige lar 
on iirum dagum ne acdlige oSSe ateorige, swaswa hit wnes 



172 Prefaces of ^If tic's Works. 

gedon on Angelcynne nii for anuni feawum gearum, swa ])get 
nan Englisc preost ne cu6e dibtan ot5t5e asmeagean uoue pistol 
on Leden, o6|)ffit Dunstfm arcebisceop and A6elwold bisceop 
eft J>a lure on munuclifum arserdon, ne cwe6e ic na for Si, past 
6eos boc msege micclum to lare freraian, ac heo byS swa 'Seah 
sum angyn to aegSrum gereorde, gif beo bwarn licaS, 

Ic bidde nu on Godes naman, gyf bwa Sas boc awritan 
wylle, poet he hi gerihte wel be Ssere bysne; forSan 6e ic nab 
geweald, peab bi bwa to woge gebringe purb lease writeras, 
and bit bi(5 t5onne bis pleob, na min. micel yfel deS se 
unwrltere, gyf be nele bis wob geribtan. 

INTRODUCTORY SENTENCES OF DE TEMPORIBUS. 

I wolde eac, gyf ic dorste, gadrian sum gbewSde andgyt of 
6^re bee }'e Beda se snotera lareow gesette and gaderode of 
manegra wisra lareowa bocum be Saes geares ymbrenum fram 
anngiune middan eardes. piet nis to spelle ac elles to ratdenne 
]nlm J'e bit llcaS. 

Postscript of tbe same. 

Sy" ]>eos gesetnj^s ]nis ber geendod. God belpe minum ban- 
dum. 

LATIN PREFACE OF THE LIVES OF THE SAINTS. 
HUNC QUOQUE CODICEM TBANSTULIMUS DE LaTINITATE AD 

usitatam Anglicam sermocinationem, studentes aliis prodesse 
edificaudo ad fidem lectione buius uarrationis quibus-cumque 
placuerit huic operi operam dare, siue legendo, sen Audiendo; 
quia estirao non esse ingratum fidelibus. Nam memini me in 
duobus anterioribus libris posuisse passiones uel uitas sancto- 
rum ipsorum, quos gens ista caelebre colit cum ueneratione 
festi diei, et placuit nobis in isto codicello ordinare passiones 
etiam uel uitas sanctorum illorum quos non uulgus sed coeno- 
bite officiis uenerantur. Nee tamen plura promitto me scrip- 
turum bac lingua, quia nee conuenit buic sermocinationi plura 
inseri; ne forte despectui babeantur margarite cbristi. Ideo- 
que reticemus de libro uitae patrum, in quo multa subtilia 
babentur quae .non conueniunt aperiri laicis, nee nos ipsi ea 



Prefaces of ^Ifric's Works. 173 

quimus implere. Ilia uero que scriptnrus sum suspicor non 
offendere audientes, sed magis fide torpentes recreare horta- 
tionibus, quia martyrum passiones nimium fidem erigant 
languentem. XJnum cupio sciri hoc uoluraen legentibus, quod 
nollem alicubi ponere duos imperatores siue cesai'es in hac 
narratione simul, sicut in latinitate legimus; sed unum impera- 
torem in persecutione maiytrum ponimus ubiqiie; Sicut gens 
nostra uni regi subditur, et usitata est de uno rege non de 
duobus loqui. Nee potuimus in ista translatione semper 
uerbum ex uerbo transferre, sed tamen sensum ex seusu, sicut 
inuenimus in sancta scriptura, diligenter curauimus uertere 
Simplici et aperta locutione quatinus proficiat Audientibus. 
Hoc sciendum etiam quod prolixiores passiones breuiamus 
nerbis, non adeo sensu, ne fastidiosis ingeratur tedium si 
tanta prolixitas erit in propria lingua quanta est in latina; 
et non semper breuitas sermonem deturpat sed multotiens 
honestiorem reddit. Non mihi imputetur quod diuinam scrip- 
turam nostrae lingue infero, quia arguet me praecatus mul- 
torum fidelium et maxime ^pelwerdi ducis et -^Selmeri nostri, 
qui ardentissime nostras interpretatioues Amplectuntur lecti- 
tando; sed decreui modo quiescere post quartum librum A tali 
studio, ne superfluus iudicer. 

ENGLISH PREFACE OF THE LIVES OF THE SAINTS. 

^Elfric gret eadmodlice -^felwerd ealdorman, and ic secge 
J>e, leof, J)£et ic hiebbe nu gegaderod on ]>yssere bee p^ra 
halgena Jn-owunga ])e me to onhagode on englisc to fiwen- 
dene, for pan ]'e Su, leof, swKost, and yE^elrajer, swylcera 
gewrita me bsedon, and of handum gelaehton eowerne geleafan 
to getrymmenne mid ] sere gerecednysse fe ge on eowrum 
gereorde noefdon aer. Du wast, leof, \>vqX we awendon on jnlm 
twam ^rrum bocura j^sera halgena prowunga and lif \q angel- 
cynn mid freols-dagum wurHS. Nu ge-wearS fis }>net we ]nls 
hoc be I'sera hfilgena Srowungum and life gedihton pe 
mjmster-menn mid heora penungum betwux him wurSiaS, 
12 



174 Prefaces of ^If Vic's Works. 

Ne secge we nan ])incg niwes on ])issere gesetnysse. 

forj'an Se hit stoci gefyrn awriten 

on ledenbocum ]>eah ]:>e ]ni Isewedan men })fet nyston. 

Nelle we eac raid leasungum J'yllic liccetan. 

for]>an pe geleaffulle ftederas and halige lareowas 

Lit awi'iton on leden-sj)i"eece. to langum geraynde. 

and to tiymmincge )>ani towerdum maunum. 
Sura witega clypode ]jurh ]?one halgan gast and cwae^. 
Mirabilis Deus in Sanctis suis. et cet. Wundorlic is God on his 
halgum. he sylf forgifS mihte and strengSe his folce. geblet- 
sod is he God. We awrite^ fela wundra on ]nssere bee. for- 
j'an ]'e God is wundorlic on his halgum swa swa we eer sSdon. 
and his hfilgena wundra wurSiaS hine. forj'an ))e he worhte ]k\ 
wundra ]'urh hi. 

An woruld-cynincg htefS fela j'egua 

and mislice wicneras, he ne mreg beon wurSful cynincg 

buton he hrebbe pa ge)nnct5e ]'e him gebyriaS. 

and swylce ]'ening-men. ]'e j'eawfa^stnysse him gebeodon. 

Swa is eac ))am lelmihtigan Gode pe ealle ])incg gesceop. 

him gerisS paet he hsebbe halige fenas 

]'e his willan gefyllaS. and ]'^ra is fela 

on raannum ilnura ])e he of middau-eard geceas. 

)'tet nan bocere ne moeg ])eah he raycel cunne. 

heora naman awriten. for]'an )'e hi nat nfin man. 

Hi synd ungerjme swa swa hit gevisS Gode. 

ac we woldon gesettan be suinura fas boc. 

mannura to getrymrainge. and to munde us sylf um 

j'aet hi ils J'ingion to ]'am relmihtigan gode. 

swa swa we on worulde heora wundra cySaS. 

Ic bidde nu on Godes naraan gif hwa Jnis boc awritan wille. 

j^set he hi wel gerihte be ])£ere bysne. and ]'£er 

naraare betwux ne sette j'onne we awendon. 

UALE IN DOMINO. 

Rubric of Homilt, In Natale JJn'ms Confessoris. 
Hunc serraonera nuper rogatu venerandi 
episcopi Athelwoldi, scilicet 



111 



Prefaces of ^If Tic's Works. 175 

Junioris, Anglice transtulimus, quem huius 
libelli calci inscribi fecimus, 

lie nobis desit, cum ipse habeat. — 

PREFACE OF HOMILY ON CHASTITY. 

^Ifric abbod grOt SigefyrS freondlice! 
Me is gesaed, ])ret ]ni sffidest be me, 

]'a3t ic 68er tfehte on Eiigliscum gewritum, 
6t5er eower ancor set ham mid eow tsehS, 
forSan ])e he swutelice sregC, ]7jet hit sy alyfed, 
])8et ma3sse2:)i'costas wel motan wifian, 

and mine gewritu wiScweSaS ))ysum. 

Nxi secge ic J)e, leof man, ]>8et me is IfiS to tselenne 
agenne Godes freond, gyf he Godes riht diift5, 
ac we sceolon secgan and forswigian ne durron 
In! halgan lare, ]'e se hSlend taehte: 

Seo lare maeg ea6e unc emlice seman. 

PREFACE OF .ELFRIC'S HOMILY ADDRESSED TO WULFGEAT. 

Ic JElfric abbod on t5isum Engliscum gewrite 

freondlice grete mid Godes gretinge 

Wulfget ret Ylmandiine! Beffim }>e wit nii her spraecon 

be 6am Engliscum gewritum, 6e ic ])e alrende, 

{)?et ]'e wel llcode |)sera gewrita andgit, 

and ic seede, ])a?tic wolde pe sum asendan git. 

INTRODUCTION TO THE HEXAMERON. 

On sumum OSrum spelle we ssedon hwilon ser. hil se 
-iElmihtiga God ealle tSing gesceop binnon six dagum, and 
seofon nilitum. ac hit is swa menigfeald and swa mycel on 
andgite 'Soet we ne mihton secgan swa swiSe embe tioet swa 
swa we woldon on Sam aerran cwyde. Ne we gyt ne magon 
swa micclum eow secgan on 6am deopan andgite swa swa hit 
gedafenlic weere. We willaS Seah eow secgan sum 6ing 
deoplicor be Godes weorcum on 6ysumso6um gewrite. 6a)t ge 
wislicor magon witan eowerne Scyppend mid su6um geleafan. 
and eow sylfe oncnawan. 



176 Prefaces of yElfric^s Works. 

PROLOGUE OF THE TRANSLATION OF ST. BASIl's ADVICE TO A 
SPIRITUAL SON. 

Basilius se eadiga be Sam we ser awriton. woes swiSe halig 
bisceop on Cessarean byrig, on Gi'eciscre 6eode, God lufigende 
swiSe, on clsennesse wunigende on Cristes SeowdOme, 
manegra munuca feeder, munuchades him sylf. He wses 
swySe gelaeved and swy6e mibtig Ifireow, and he munuc regol 
gesette mid swySlicre drohtnunge, swa swa 6a Easternan and 
Sa Greciscean munecas libbaS hyra llf, Gode to lofe wide. 
He woes ser Benedictus 8e tls boc awrat on Ledenre sprsece, 
leohtre be daele Sonne Basilius, ac he tymde swa Seah to 
Basilies tsecinge for his trumnysse. Basilius awrat ane wun- 
dorlice boc be eallum Godes weorcum Se he geworhte on six 
dagum, " Exameron " gehaten, swiSe deopum andgite. And 
he awrat Sa lare Se we nu willaS on Englisceum gereorde 
secgean Sam he his recceaS. Heo gebyraS to raunecum. and 
eac to mynecenum Se regoUice libbaS for hyra drihtnes lufe 
under gastlicum ealdrum, Gode Seowiende, gehealdenre 
clSnnysse, swa swa Cristes Segenas campiende wiS dooflu 
doeges and nihtes. 

FROM PREFACE OF GENESIS. 

^Ifric munuc gret ^Selweard ealdormann eadmodlice. Du 
bsede me, leof J»oet ic sceolde awendan of Ledene on Englisc 
])a boc Genesis: f'fi ])uhte me hefigtime \h to tidienne poes and 
|)u cweede ]'a, poet ic ne porfte na mare awendan feere bee 
bilton to Isaace Abraharaes suna, for))am ])e sum oSer man pe 
hoefde awend fram Isaace ])a boc oS ende. Nu ]nncS me, leof, 
})oet foet weorc is swiSe pleolic me oSSe senigura men to 
underbeginnenne, forj^an fe ic ondreede, gif sum dysig man 
pas boc rset oSSe rsedan gehyrS poet he wille wenan, poet he 
mote lybban nxi on psere niwan se swa swa pa ealdan fsederas 
leofodon pa on psere tide, ser pan pe seo ealde ^ gesett wsere, 
oSSe swa swa men leofodon under Moysesse. Hwilon icwiste 
poet sum moessepreost, se pe min magister woes on pam timau, 
hoefde pa boc Genesis and he cuSebe dSle Lyden understandan; 



Prefaces of ^If tic's Works. Ill 

]Ki cwieS be be ]mm beabfoedere Jacobe, jnnet be bfefde feower 
wif, twa geswustra and beora twfi ]nnena. Ful so6 be s^de, 
ac be nyste ne ic ])a gTt,bu micel todalj^sbetweobx psere ealdan 
se and ]'aere niwan. . . , 

We durron na inure awrltan on Englisc, )>onne ]'pet Liden 
b»ft5, ne ]»a endebirdnisse awendan buton ))am anum, ]>viit 
]mt Leden and ])oet Englisc nabbat5 na fine wisan on paere spruce 
fandunge. iEfre se }'e awent oSSe se ]'e tsecS of Ledene on 
Englisc, veh-e be sceal gefadian bit swa, ]>vet ]'tet Englisc 
bjebbe bis agene wIsan : elles bit bit5 swi6e gedwolsuni to 
raedenne )'am ]'e ]nv8 Ledenes wIsan ne can. 

Ic cweSe nti, ])fet ic ne dearr ne ic nelle nane boc refter jus- 
sere bee of Ledene on Englisc awendan, and ic bidde pe, leof 
ealdorman, ]jfet ]ni me ]>8es na leng ne bidde, ))i laes ]>e ic beo 
])e ungebirsum o6t5e leas gif ic do. God ]k' sig milde a on 
ecnisse! Ic bidde nu on Godes naman, gif bwa pas boc 
awritan wylle, ]>?et be big geribte Avel be j^sere bj-sne, for ]>an 
]>e ic nab geweald, ])eab ])e big bwa to woge bringe ]mrh lease 
writeras, and bit byS ponne bis pleob na min: mycel yfel deS 
se unwritere, gif be nele bys wob geribtan. 

EXTRACTS FROM ON THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 
I. ON THE OLD TESTAMENT. 

JElfric abbod grett freondlice Sigwerd vet Eastbeolon. Ic 
secge ]>e to soSan pjet se biS swipe wis, se pe mid weorcum 
spric^, and se bsefS forpgang for Gode and for worulde, se pe 
mid godura weorcum bine sylfne geglengS, and ]>vet is swiSe 
geswutelod on balgum gesetnissum poet pa balgan weras, pe 
gode weorc beeodon, ptet bi wurSfulle wseron on pissere 
worulde, and nu balige sindon on beofenan rices mirbpe, and 
beora gemynd purbwunaS nil a to worulde for beora anrSdnisse 
and beora tryw^e wiS God. Da gimeleasan menu pe beora lif 
adrugon on ealre idelnisse, and swa geendodon, beora gemynd 
is forgiten on balgum gewritum, btiton pa?t secgatS pa ealdan 
gesetnissa beora yfelan dseda, and pset ]>xt big fordemde sin- 
don. Du beede me for oft Engliscra gewrita, and ic pe ne 



178 Prefaces of ^Ifric's WorTxS. 

getlSode ealles swii tiralice, aer jnim ])e fu mid weorcura ])oes 
gewilnodest aet me, pa Sa ])u me bsede for Godes lufan georne 
feet ic ]?e sBt ham oet ])inum huse gesprgece, and )>ti fa swl6e 
meendest, ]'a ]'a ic mid Jje wa^s, ])a3t Jul mine gewrita begitan 
ne mihtest. Nu wille ic ]>8et ]>ii bagbbe huru \\% litle, nu \h 
wisdom gelicaS and ]?ii hine habban wilt, J'aet ]hi ealles ne beo 
rainra boca bedseled. . . . 

Se Halga Gast . . . spraec furh witegan, ])e witegodon 
ymbe Crist, for ))an ]>e he ys se willa and witodlice Infn ]>fes 
Feeder and )>fes Suna, swa swa we ssedon aer. Seofonfealde 
gife he gift5 mancynne git, be ])am ic awrat aer on sumum 
66rum gewrite on Engliscre sprsece, swa swa Isalas se witega 
hit on bee sette on his witegunge. 

Fif bee he (Moises) awrat mid wundorlicum dihte. Seo forme 
ys Genesis. . . . We secgaS nii mid ofste ]nis endebird- 
nisse, for j^an Se we oft habbaS ymbe ])is awriten mid maran 
andgite, Jnl ]ni raiht sceawian, and eac Sa getacnunge ]>!Tet 
Adam getacnude. . . . 

On ])£ere ylcan ylde mann araerde heeSengild wide geond Jnls 
woruld, swa swa we awriton aeror on oSrum larspellum to 
geleafan trymminge. . . 

On })iim fif bocum ]>e Moyses awrat. . Da twa bee we nera- 
nodon: Leviticus is seo ]?ridde, Numerus feorSe, seo fifte ys 
gehaten Deuteronomium. . . . On ealre jnire race, )'e we 
habbaS awend witodlice on Englisc, on ])am mann mreg gehi- 
ran hu se heofonlica God sproec mid weorcum and mid wun- 
drum him to. . . . 

Liber Josue. . . . Dis ic awende eac on Englisc hwilon 
^Selwerde ealdormennn. . . . 

Liber Judicum. . . . Dis man mteg rsedon, se ])e his recS 
to gehlrenne, on faere Engliscan bee ]'e ic awende be jnsum. 
Ic f ohte poet ge woldon ])urh Sa wundorlican race eower mod 
awendan to Godes willan on eornost. . . . 

Nu standaS manega cyningas on paera cininga bocum, be 
])am ic gesette eac sume boc on Englisc. . . . 

Daniel se witega. . . . His boc is swISe micel on 



Prefaces of ^If tic's Works. 179 

manegum getiicnungum, langsum her to secgenne be hire 
gesettnyssum and hu he wses aworpen ]nlm wildura leonum, 
be I'am we awriton on Euglisc on sumum spelle hwllon. . . . 

Job wa^s gebaten sum heah Godes |'egen on ))am lande 
Chus, swij'e geleafful wer, welig on sehtura; se wearS afandod 
jmrh ])one swicolan deofol, swil swa his boc lis segt5, ])e he sylf 
gesette si])pan he afandod waes: be j'am ic awende on Englisc 
sumne cwide iii 

Hester seo cwen, ]'e hire kynn ahredde, hrefS eac ane boc on 
J'isum getele, for 5an J)e Godes lof ys gelogod ]>aeron ; 6a io 
awende on Englisc on fire wisan sceortlice. 

Judith seo wuduwe, pe oferwann Holofernem ])one Siriscan 
ealdormann, hoefS hire agene boc betwux |)isuni bocuui be hire 
agenum sige; seo ys eac on Englisc on ure wisan gesett Sow 
mannura to bysne, ]>v&t ge eowerne eard raid wsemnum bewe- 
rian wi6 onwinnende here. 

Twa bee synd gesette oefter cyrclicum ]'eawum betwux 
pisura bocum, j^e gebiriatS to Godes lofe, Machabeorum 
gehatene, for heora micclum gewinne, for San ])e hig 
wunnon mid wseranum ]nl swiSe wi6 ])one hseSenan 
here J^e him on wann swKe. . . . Hig noldon na 
feohtan mid foegerum wordum finum, swa ])iBt hi wel sprsecon, 
and awendon jjset eft. ... 'Ac uton wyrcean mihte 
on ]>oue mihtigan God, and he to nahte gedeS ure deriendli- 
canfynd.' Machabeus jni gefylde t5as foresffidan word mid 
stranglicum weorcum, and oferwann his f}" nd, and sint for t5I 
gesette his sigefjestan deeda on ])ara twam bocum on bibliothe- 
can Gode to AvurSmynte; and ic awende hig on Englisc, and 
rsedon, gif ge wyllaS, eow sylfum to rsede! 

11. ON THE NEW TESTAMENT. 

Ic secge fe nil SiferS, pa3t ic her gesett hsebbe j'as feawa 
bysna of jnln ealdan bocum on ptere ealdan gecySnysse under 
Moyses ae and hi"i, gif ])ri wiltest ealne ]>one wisdom, ]>e on 
para bocum stynt, ]'onne woldest ]n\ gelyfan, })ffit ic na ne 
wa3ge on ]>isum gewrite. 



180 Prefaces of ^Ifric's Works. 

Ic wille nil secgaii eft sceortlice )>e be ])£ere niwan geoySnisse 
fefter Cristes tocyme, )'2et Sii mid ealle ne beo paes andgites 
bedaeled ])eah 1)8 ]n"i be fullan underfon ne mage ealle pa 
gesetnissa ]>res soSan ge writes: bist swu ])eah gebet J'urh pas 
litlan bysne. 

Das feower bee kySaS, hfi Crist com to mannum. 
Ic secge ])is sceortlice, for pan pe ic gesett hrebbe of pisum 
feower bocura wel feowertig Ifirspella on Engliscum gereorde 
and sumne eacan paer to, ])a pii miht rSdan be j'issere race on 
mfiran andgite, ponne ic her secge. . . . 

Du w^oldest me laSian, pii pa ic wa^s mid pe, paet ic swiSor 
drunce swilce for blisse of er minum gewunan : ac wite pii, 
leof man, piet se pe oSerne neadaS ofer his mihte to drincenne, 
pset se mot aberan heora begra gilt, gif him aenig hearm of 
pam drence becym^. tTre hselend Crist on his halgan god- 
spelle forbead pone oferdrenc eallura gelyfedura mannum: 
healde, se pe wille, his gesetnysse! and pa halgan lareowas 
after para haelende aledon pone unpeaw purh heora lareowdom 
and tShton, poet man drince, swa swa him ne derede, for pan 
pe se oferdrenc forded untwilice paes mannes sawle and his 
gesundfulnysse and unh^l becymS of ]"ain drence. 

Loca, hwa pas boc awrite, write hig be paere bysne and for 
Godes lufon hi gerihte, pjet heo to leas ne beo ]'am writere to 
plihte and me to tale! 

PREFACE OF PASTORAL LETTER FOR BISHOP AVULFSIGE. 

^Ifricus humilis frater venerabili episcopo Wulfsino salu- 
tem in Domino. Obtemperavimus jussioni tuae libenti anirao, 
sed non ausi fuimus aliquid scribere de episcopali gradu, quia 
vestrura est scire, quomodo vos oporteat optimis moribus 
exemplum omnibus fieri, et continuis admonitionibus siibditos 
exhortari ad salutem, quae est in Christo Jesu. Dico tamen, 
quod saepius deberetis vestris clericis alloqui, et illorum 
negligentiam arguere, quia pene statuta canonum, et sanctae 
ecclesiae religio vel doctrina, eorum perversitate deleta sunt: 
ideoque libera animam tuam, et die eis quae tenenda sunt 



Prefaces of ^Ifric's Works. 181 

sacerdotibus et ministris Christi, ne tu pereas pariter, si rautus 
habearis canis. Nos vero scriptitamus banc epistolam, quae 
Ano-lice sequitur, quasi ex tuo ore dictata sit, et locutus 
esses ad clericos tibi subditos, boc modo iucipiens. 

PREFACE OF PASTORAL LETTER FOR ARCHBISHOP WULFSTAN. 

^Ifricus Abbas Wulstano venerabili Arcbiepiscopo salutem 
in Cbristo. Ecce paruimus vestrae Almitatis jussionibus trans- 
ferentes Anglice duas Epistolas quas, Latino eloquio descriptas, 
ante annum vobis destinavimus; non taraen semper ordinem se- 
quentes, nee verbum ex verbo, sed sensum ex sensu proferentes, 
quibus speramus nos quibusdara prodesse ad correctionem, 
quamvis sciamus aliis miuime placuisse: sed non est nobis con- 
sultum semper silere, et non aperire subjectis eloquia divina; 
quia si praeco tacet, quis judicem venturum nuntiet ? Vale 
feliciter in Christo. 

PROLOGUE OP THE LIFE OF SAINT JETHELWOLD. 

Alfricus abbas, Wintoniensis alumnus, bonorabili episcopo 
Kenulfo, et fratribus Wintoniensibus, salutem in Christo. 

Dignura ducens denique aliqua de gestis patris nostri et 
magnifici doctoris Athelwoldi memoriae modo commendare, 
transactis videlicet viginti annis post ejus migrationem, brevi 
quidem narratione mea, turn sed et rustica, quae apud vos vel 
alios a fidelibus didici buic stylo ingero, ne forte penitus 
propter inopiam scriptorum oblivioni tradeutur, Valete. 

PREFACE or EXCERPTS FROM ^THELWOLd's DE CONSUETUDIXE. 

Alfricus Abbas Egneshamensibus Fratribus salutem in 
Christo. Ecce video vobiscum degens, vos necesse habere 
quia nuper rogatu ^thelmeri ad Monachicum habitum ordinati 
estis, instrui ad mores Monachiles dictis aut scriptis. Ideoque 
haec pauca de libro Consuetudinum, quem Scs, ^thelwoldus 
Wintoniensis episcopus cum Coepiscopis et Abbatibus tempore 
Eadgari felicissimi Regis Anglorum undique collegit, ac 
monachis instituit observandum scriptitando demonstro. Eo 



182 Prefaces of ^If tic's Works. 

quod hactenus praedictus libellus urae fraternitati incognitus 
habetur. Fateor me valde timide idipsum sumere, sed nee 
audeo omnia vobis intimare quae in Scola ejus degens multis 
annis, de moribus seu consuetudinibus didici, ne foi'te fasti- 
dientes districtionem tantae observantiae nee saltem velitis 
praebere narranti, tamen ne expertis tarn salubris doctrinae 
remaneatis aliqua quae Regula nostra uon tangit huic cartulae 
insero vobis quae legenda committo, addens etiam aliqua de 
libro Amalarii Presbiteri. Valete feliciter in Cbristo. 

FROM THE FOUNDATION CHARTER OF EYNSHAM. 

' Ic -^Selmaer cySe minan leofan hlaforde JESelrede cynge, 
and eallon his witon, 6set ic an Sysse are Gode and sancta 
Marian, and eallon his halgon, and sancte Benedicte into 
Egnesham, ofer mine dseg aefre to brice, Sam Se Benedictus 
regol aefre rihtlice healdaS. And ic wille Sere beon ofer hi 
caldor Se Sger nu is, Sa hwTle Se his llf beo, and siSSan gif hit 
hwiBt getymaS, S?et hi ceosan heom ealdor of heora geferaedne 
eal swa hrera regol him tsecS.' 'And ic me sylfe wylle mid 
Ssere geferrserdne gem^nelice libban, and Ssere are mid liim 
notian Sa hwile Se min llf biS.' Cod. Dip. III. 344. 



APPENDIXES. 
I. 

The work of Mores, De ^Ifrico Commentarius, written 
'some years' before 1760, was published by Thorkelin in 1789. 
Mores treats the subject as follows: 
Chapter I. 

The views held by Leland, Bale, Parker, Foxe, Pits, Spel- 
man, Usher, Cave, and Wharton, are successively considered. 
Three points of Wharton's argument are answered: 

1. Wharton asserts that ^Ifric could not have been at 
Abingdon with ^thelwold, for by the Saxon Chronicle he 
was not eleven years old when ^thelwold left Abingdon for 
Winchester. 

In reply. Mores argues that we know nothing of ^Ifric's 
age from the Saxon Chronicle, for the passage in question 
refers, not to an ^Ifric, but to King Alfred. 

3. Wliarton urges that ^Ifric was probably Abbot of 
Winchester in 1005, when he dedicated his Life of Mthelwold 
to Bishop Kenulph, for he calls himself ' Wintoniensis alum- 
nus' and 'abbot,' but is silent about the seat of the abbacy. In 
reliance upon Florence of Worcester and others, who say that 
^Ifric Puttoc, Provost (or Prior) of Winchester, was pro- 
moted to the Archbishopric of York, Wharton concludes that 
the author of the Life of JEthelwold, Abbot ^Ifric, was 
yElfric Puttoc. 

Mores replies, that the monastery at Winchester had only 
priors, not abbots. 

3. By a poem which celebrates a bishop, and by a letter 
addressed to a high official in the church, both joined to the 
manuscript of ^Ifric's Glossary, Wliarton tries to show that 
^Ifric the Grammarian was the Bishop of York. 

Mores shows that the letter in question does not suit 
^Ifric of York, and that the poem applies only to ^Ifric of 
Canterburv. 



1 84 Appendixes. 

To this chapter are appended items collected by Ballard, 
an Oxford friend of Mores, to prove the opposite of Whar- 
ton's essay. 
Chapter II. 

^Ifric, monk at Abingdon and pupil of ^thelwold, ac- 
companies yEthelwold to Winchester, 
Chapter III. 

^Ifric devotes himself to studies at Winchester, and trans- 
lates the Pentateuch and other books of the Old Testament, 
and writes a Pastoral Letter for Wulfsige. 
Chapter IV. 

^Ifric is sent to Cernel, and writes one volume of hom- 
ilies. 
Chapter V. 

^Ifric is made Abbot of St. Albans, and there writes 
On the Old and New Testaments, a,nd in it he refers to the Jobj 
which he publishes later among other homilies. He writes 
also the letter on chastity addressed to Sigeferth. 

Chapter VI. 

^Ifric is made Bishop of Wilton. There he writes a sec- 
ond volume of homilies. He does not call himself bishop, 
but in explanation "^many parallel examples of such humility 
can be adduced.' Here probably he wrote the Grammar, and 
possibly the Saints' Lives, but the latter may have a later 
date. 

Chapter VII. 

^Ifric is made Archbishop of Canterbury. Several writers 
are quoted, to show the high esteem in which the Archbishop 
was held. 
Chapter VIII. 

^Ifric Bata was Abbot of Eynshaan, and wrote Excerpts 

from ^thelwold''s De Consuetudine; the Life of JEthehoold; 

and Pastoral Letters for Wulfstan. This ^Ifric Bata was 



Appendixes. 1 85 

probably the later Archbishop of York, although some ques- 
tion it. 
Chapter IX. 

Of ^Ifric of Malmesbury. 
Chapter X. 

Of other iElfrics. 

There is an appendix, consisting of charters, ^Ifric of 
Canterbury's will, and other legal documents. 

Mores' method of proof, if such it can be called, is the 
following: he states known facts in the life of yElfric of 
Canterbury, and weaves in with these such known facts in the 
life of the scholar ^Ifric as can be consistently placed there. 
To these he adds other more uncertain data, such as the 
order of the production of ^Ifric's most important works. 
Facts which cannot possibly be reconciled with the theory 
are assigned to .^Ifric Bata, namely: the authorship of the 
Life, of ^ilielivold; the Extracts from tlie De Consuetudine; 
and the Canons written for Wulfstan of York. "We fail to 
see that he establishes any connection between ^Ifric the 
scholar and ^Ifric of Canterbury. The certainty which he 
felt in his own mind was to him a proof, and made a connec- 
tion between the two men which fails to appear in his disser- 
tation. 

It is, however, of special significance that he places the 
author of three of iElfric's important works in the monastery 
of Eynsham. 

II. 

The results here given are from Dr. Forster's investigation 
of the exegetical homilies.' 

I. By far the chief source of ^Ifric's exegetical homilies 
is Gregory the Great's collection of homilies. In Ham. 1, 
fifteen, perhaps sixteen, in Horn. II, twelve, perhaps thirteen 
homilies are derived from twenty-seven of Gregory's forty 



I See Bibliography, 1892. 



186 " Ajypendixes. 

homilies. iElfric often takes one homily from two of Greg- 
ory's: thns are derived I. 15, 22, 23, 28; II. 5, 42. Of Greg- 
ory's homilies, Nos. 10, 12, 16, 26, 34, 39, 40, have each given 
material for two of ^Elfric's, and No. 34 for three. 

II. Nest to Gregory in the amount of material furnished 
stands Bede. Indeed, it may be a question whether Bede is 
not the author most often referred to by ^Ifric, although the 
actual translations from his works occupy less room than 
those from Gregory. We find everywhere in our homilies 
single sentences which more or less closely correspond with 
passages in Bede. Often the agreement is so slight, or the 
thought so obvious, that it is difficult to decide whether 
^Ifric has the original before him or quotes from memory. 
In general his treatment of Bede's writings is freer than of 
Gregory's. 

A. From Bede's Homilies ^Ifric has taken material for 
Horn. I. 6, 9, 12, 13, 14, 22, 25, 27, 32; Horn. II. 4; but only 
in two cases: I. 12 and 13, are Bede's Homilies the only 
source. 

B. From Bede's Scripture Commentary is derived Horn. 
I. 33; II. (12), 29, 30, 33, 36. 

C. From Bede's three Mathematical-Scientific writings 
are taken the chronological and astronomical parts of Horn. 
I. 6 and 40. 

D. From the Historical works of Bede are taken parts of 
of Hom. 11. 9, 10, 23, 24. 

III. Augustine stands third in importance. ^Ifric's 
homilies betray acquaintance with only Augustine's Sermons, 
■Commentary on John, De Sermone Domini in Monte, De 
Civitate Dei, and De Trinitate. 

A. From the Sermons ^Ifric derives five whole homilies: 
I. 3, 18, 19; II. 28, 34; the chief part of I. 18; probably part 
■of I. 19; II. 28, 34, 44; and perhaps of II. 7, 9, and 27. From 
the pseudo-Augustinian sermon No. 42, Hom. I. 3, is taken. 

B. From the Commentary on John is derived Hom. II. 3. 
25; part of II. 13, (28). 



Ap2)endixes. 187 

C. From the De Sermone Domini in Monte is derived 
Horn. I. 36, second part. 

D. From the De Trinitate is derived Horn. I. 20. 

E. From the De Civitate Dei is derived Horn. II. 2. 

IV. Smaragdus is next in importance of ^Ifric's sources. 
Of his works ^Ifric has used only his Commentarius sive 
Collectio Evangelia et Epistolas. Smaragdus' chief sources 
were Gregory, Bede, Jerome and Augustine. Hence it is 
difficult in some cases to tell whether ^Ifric quotes Smarag- 
dus or his originals, and this is the more the case as there are 
not critical editions of either. 

From Smaragdus are probably talcen in part Horn. I. 5, 27, 
39; II. 8, 14. 

V. Jerome is mentioned by ^Ifric in the second place 
among his sources, but his actual contribution is relatively 
small. To ^Ifric, however, he seemed to contribute more 
than he really did, because the authorship of Rufin's Church 
History was ascribed to him. 

From Jerome's Commentary on Matthew are probably 
derived parts of Horn. I. 13, 26, 36. 

VI. From the homilies of the Halberstadt bishop, Haymo, 
is derived material for Horn. I. 8, 34, second part. 

Smaragdus, Jerome and Haymo may be called sources of 
the second class; the remaining sources are those of the third 
class. 

VII. From Alcuin is derived part of Horn. II. 12, p. 
219 ff. 

A^III. From Cassian comes part of Horn. II. 12, p 219 ff., 
but his share cannot be wholly distinguished from that of 
Alcuin; also II. 7, p. 106, 11. 116-132. 

IX. From Amalarius' De Ecclesiasticis Officiis are taken 
some liturgical remarks in Horn. I. 18, 22; II. 5. 

X. A writer Hilarius is once cited, Horn. I. 21, p. 168 ff. 
Of the many bishops, etc., of this name, the one mentioned 
must be either the Bishop of Aries ( f 449) or the more 
famous Bishop of Poitiers; it is uncertain which. 



188 Appendixes. 

XI. Eatramniis, a monk of Corbie, furnished the material 
for the famous Easter sermon, Horn. II. 15. ^Ifric follows 
Eatramnus very closely. Lingard says: 'There is scarcely 
a sentence in the homily which may not be traced to the 
work of Bertram' (i. e., Eatramnus).' 

XII. In the illustration of Biblical narrative by profane 
history, ^Ifric has confined himself mostly to what others 
had used before him, as he found it in the commentaries at 
hand. He has drawn directly from Eufin's translation of 
Eusebius of Caesarea's Ecdesiastical History in Horn. I. 5, 
28, 32; II. 28. (Two of the legendary homilies are wholly 
taken from Eufin: Horn. II. 18, 19). 

XIII. The Vitae Patrum, an anonymous collection of 
pious narratives, had great popularity in the Middle Ages. 
In Horn. I. 36, and II. 15, iElfric mentions it as the source of 
some remarks found in those homilies. Of Horn. I. 1; II. 1, 
25, 45; no sources have been found. 

Finally, it is uncertain whether ^Ifric chose his material 
himself, or used a collection of homilies already in use." 
Since there were many such collections at that time, and some 
must have been accessible to ^Ifric, he may have taken one 
as a model. But that he simply translated appears to be 
improbable. His great self-dependence in translating from 
the books of the Bible and from legends speaks against it. 
The fact also that the greater number of his homilies are de- 
rived from more than one source, and that among the sources 
are books like Vitae Patrum, the church histories of Eufin 
and Bede, Bede's scientific writings, etc., renders it yet more 
improbable. 

III. 

A. Eeum, in De Temporihus Ein EcMes WerTc des AUes 
yElfric, makes a more extended study of the question.^ Start- 



1 Hist, and Antiq. oj^ AS. Ch. II, 460. 

2 'It is plain that there is a common source behind both sets of sermons; the well estab- 
lished series of topics for each occasion seems clearly to point to some standard collection 
of Latin homilies now lost.' Earle, Anglo-Saxon Lit., p. 215. 

2 See Bibliography, 188S. 



Appendixes. 189 

ing with the probability established by Dietrich, that ^Ifric 
is the author, Eeum compares this work in its details with the 
undoubted works of ^ifric. 

I. There are three peculiarities characteristic of ^Ifric's 
treatment of his sources; first, he lays stress upon the authors 
whom he uses and puts himself in the background; secondly, 
while he gives the thoughts of his authors with conscientious 
accuracy, he is independent and free in his method of con- 
veying thought; thirdly, he separates the important from the 
unimportant, and produces a new whole. 

These three characteristics belong to the author of the 
De Temporxbus. His modest acknowledgment of his source 
appears in the introduction. On comparison of the De 
Temporxbus with Bede's three books, De Temporihus, De 
Temporum Batione, and De Natura Rerum, it is found that 
the author of the Old English De Temporxbus has studied 
carefully all three of Bede's works, and has selected from 
them all, those things which were of most interest and im- 
portance for the laity, and has omitted what would confuse 
them; he has made a new whole according to his own arrange- 
ment. 

II. Characteristics of ^Elfric's language in his known 
works are compared with those of the De Temporxbus. 

A. His language as a translator : 

1. He took pains to translate Latin terms and quota- 
tions into correct Old English, and proved by this the 
verbal richness and flexibility of his language. 

2. He united the short, disconnected sentences char- 
acteristic of Alfred's style, into longer sentences by 
relative constructions, parentheses, adverbs and con- 
junctions. 

3. He arranged his words with reference to rhythm and 
alliteration. 

B. His language as a teacher: 

1. Even as ^Ifric selected the most important matters 
from great compends to form his books, so the 
13 



1 90 Appendixes. 

weightiest matters of all he enforces and makes prom- 
inent by the use of very emphatic adverbs. 

2. He enlivens his discourse by rhetorical questions and 
apostrophes. 

3. He imparts to his language the freshness of nature 
by pictorial expression, and enlivens his discourse by 
excellent illustrations. The beauty of Old English 
poetry rests in part upon its pictorial character. But 
^Elfric borrows his images from quite another range, 
for they are to serve a different end. They gave spirit 
and power to heroic song, but with him their first 
purpose was to enlighten, and their second to en- 
liven and adorn. Hence he took them from every- 
day life, so that they could always influence the lan- 
guage in its common use. 

C. His language as a preacher: 

1. Formal announcements of the subjects which he is 
about to treat, show ^Ifric's desire to be clear and to 
be understood by the many. 

2. Formal concluding sentences close the separate sec- 
tions of his work. 

3. He brings Bible words and discourse into scientific 
treatises. 

A, B and C are illustrated by detailed comparisons of the 
De Temporalis with ^Ifric's works, and the result is a strong 
confirmation of vElfric's authorship of the former. 

III. There are other striking agreements between the De 
Temporibiis and other works of ^Elfric's: 

1. The Glossary made by ^Ifric, and completed by his 
pupil, ^Ifric Bata, contains many words from the 
De Temporihus, some of which may not have been 
found elsewhere in Old English. 

2. Marked coincidences in phrases, sentences, and ma- 
terial introduced, appear in the De Temporihus and 
^Ifric's books. 

3. ^Ifric's interest in the subjects treated of in the 



Appendixes. 191 

De Temporilus is seen in many places in his other 
writings. 
4. In Inter. Sig. 68, 114, ^Ifric refers to a former 
writing on the planets, which must be accoimted for 
by such a work as this. 

IV. The appendix to the De Temporibus printed in 
Cockayne's edition is examined, and is decided to be an imi- 
tation of JEltvic's writing in the De Temporibus by some 
other monk, perhaps ^Ifric Bata. The decision rests on 
these grounds: 

a. While the colloquial language resembles ^Ifric's, 
its tone differs from his. 

b. The material differs from that which he chooses. 

c. ^Ifric's favorite words are not found. 

d. The author's use of Latin words does not correspond 
with ^Ifric's. 

V. The date of the work. 

It cannot be ^Ifric's first writing, because he designates 
the first volume of CatJiolic Homilies as the first, and also be- 
cause the De Temporibus refers in its opening words to a 
former writing. 

The following points make it probable that it was written 
just after the first volume of homilies: 

1. Its position in the Cambridge manuscript, where it 
is joined to the last homily by an announcement of 
what is to follow, and is closely connected with the 
preceding by its introductory sentence. 

2. There is far more discourse on astronomical and 
scientific matters in the first volume of homilies than 
in the second. Therefore ^Ifric must have thought 
it worth while, after sending out the first volume, to 
give the contents of the De Temporibus to the laity. 

3. In the second volume of homilies, ^Ifric, when he 
refers to astronomical questions, expresses himself 
briefly, in the manner of one who is refemng to that 
which is well-known. 



192 Appendixes. 

4. The unusual brevity used by ^Ifric in his Grammar 
in referring to the signs of the Zodiac indicates that 
he considers the subject a familiar one. 

5. The connection of this writing with the words 'on 
geares ymbryne' in Horn. I, 98. If ^Ifric had al- 
lowed a long time to pass between this sermon and the 
De Temporihus, he would have followed Bedels order 
and arrangement of chapters; but he still remembered 
the chief matters which were referred to in the ser- 
mons and joined to the first volume a new work, the 
De Temporiius. 

Hence the De Temporihus grew immediately out of 
the first volume of homilies, gave it scientific complete- 
ness, and was joined to it. He probably finished it while 
the scribe of the Cambridge manuscript was doing his 
work, and was able to deliver it to him when the last 
homily was transcribed. 

According to Dietrich, ^Ifric wrote the first volume 
of homilies in 990-991, and this latter year is probably 
the date of the De Temporihus. 

IV. 

"We extract from MacLean's dissertation' the following: 
I. The manuscripts in which the Old English Inter. Sige. 
in Gen. is contained are described in detail. They are these: 

1. MS., originally a part of Cod. 178 (S. 6), Corpus 
Christi College, Cambridge, but removed from that, probably 
in the sixteenth century, and now bound in C. C. C. C, 
162 (S. 5). 

2. Cottonian Cod., Julius E. VII, Brit. Mus. (Wanley, p. 
186), Inter. Sige. in Gen. is here found as No. 37 of ^Ifric's 
Saints Lives. This Cod. probably belongs in the second 
quarter of the eleventh century. 

3. Cod. Junii 23, Bodleian Lib. Oxford (Wanley, p. 36). 



I See Bibliography, 1883. 



Appendixes. 193 

The contents are selected from the Cath. Horn. I-II, the 
Saints' Lives, and the sermons, probably by ^Ifric, in C. C. 
C. C, Cod. 162. 

This Cod. was evidently written when ^Ifric's original 
order was being forgotten. The date is undoubtedly in the 
last quarter of the eleventh century. 

4. Cod. Junii 24, Bodleian Lib. Oxford (Wanley, p. 40). 
This Cod. is a volume of sermons for saints' and week-day 
festivals, taken with a few exceptions from ^Ifric. Inter. 
Sige. in Gen. is here associated with three others from the 
Saints' Lives. 

5. C. C. C. 303 (S. 17), (Wanley, p 133). A mixed Cod. 
of the twelfth century, mutilated at the beginning. The aim 
of the scribe must have been to make a full edition of ^Ifric's 
homilies. Inter. Sige. is in a group from the Saints' Lives. 

Besides the above five MSS.i there is a transcript by Junius 
(Cod. Junii 104, Bodl. Lib.) of the third of these. 

Two MSS. of Alcuin's Latin Inter. Sige. are in the Bodl. 
Lib. MSS. Barlow 35, and Laud. 437 (Laud. F. 134). In the 
latter are the lives of five saints. These Latin Codd. add to 
the testimonies that the Inter, was long and widely used in 
theological school-books, and further, that it had in some 
way become connected with the lives of saints. 

The 0. E. MSS. of Inter. Sige. are all of L. W. S. and in- 
dicate the composition of the work as about 1000 A. D. 

II. The final Creed and Doxology are contained in only 
two of the MSS. But the contents of the appendix favors 
its authenticity. It is alliterative and thus harmonizes in 
form with the Inter, and the Saints' Lives. The subject 
matter could almost be replaced word for word from other 
passages in ^Ifric. The probable indirect source of this * 
form of the creed Avas Isidore, an author whom ^Ifric used 
during this period of his life in his Glossary and in his treatise 
On the Old and New Testaments. It is most probable that 
some early copyist, knowing of ^Ifric's repetitions about 
the Trinity, or wishing to save labor and parchment, ended 



194 Appendixes. 

his copy at the good stopping-place afforded by the remark; 
*We will not speak further about this, because we have now 
written the most necessary questions.' 

III. The Question of Authorship. The chief dijSiculties 
of the critics sprang from their treatment of the Inter, as an 
independent treatise. 

1. The External Evidence. 

The Inter, is bound without exception with ^Ifric's Codd. 
The best hypothesis to explain all the phenomena of the 
MSS. is that ^Ifric wrote the Inter. 

2. The Internal Evidences. 

The form of the Inter., in its alliteration, poetic passages, 
and even punctuation, is a strong argument for the integrity 
of the longer version and the ^Ifrician authorship. 

The language and dialect, so thoroughly L. W. S., and with- 
out any substantial traces of early L. W. S., show that Bouter- 
wek's supposition that it dates from a monk in the ninth cen- 
tury, is untenable. A comparison of its vocabulary and forms 
of expression Avith those of the BlicTding Homilies, a speci- 
men of pre-^lfrician literature, renders it probable that no 
earlier date than ^Ifric's time can be assigned for it. 

In the light of the exigencies of translation and allitera- 
tion, the correspondences between the Inter, and the parallel 
passages from ^Ifric make a deep impression as to common 
authorship. 

There is a probable direct reference in the Inter., in one of 
those personal explanatory remarks so characteristic of ^1- 
fric, to a similar remark in his De Temporihus. At Inter., 
1. 114, he writes, 'I will say noiv that about which I kept silent 
some time iefore on account of the unwontedness of the lay 
understanding.' He then gives, 11. 115-144, a translation of 
cap. XII, De Cursu Planetarum, of Bede's Be Natura Rerum. 
In the De Temp, the author is folloMang closely cap. XI, De 
Stellis, of the same book of Bede's. He closes the chapter 
with: 'Though we should speak more of the heavenly constel- 
lations, still the unlearned may not learn their luminous 



Appendixes. 195 

course/ In the Inter, it must be the same author who, upon 
the simple mention by Alcuin of the counteracting influence 
of the heavens and the planets, reverts to his former omission 
in the De Temp. He makes his longest insertion in Alcuin 
from Bede, at the very point where he began to omit in the 
De Temp. In the Saints' Lives, according to the preface, he 
was opening more than ever before subjects with which the 
laity were unacquainted. 

3. The Translation is ^Ifrician. It shows a masters 
hand in its general literalness, combined with freedom of ar- 
rangement and English idioms. 

4. The Subject. The Creation was a favorite subject with 
-^Ifric. The choice of questions and passages from Alcuin 
displays an author of ^Elfric's caution about giving all the 
narratives of Gen. to the public of his time. Also the inser- 
tions from other authors are ^Ifrician. 

5. The Sources are Alcuin and Bede. Traces of Gregory 
the Great and Isidore appear. The translator of Inter, was 
thoroughly at home among the sources of Alcuin's originals. 



A. Tessman has compared the texts of the five manuscripts 
of the Interrogationes in regard to the following points: 1. 
Characteristics common to the language of all the manuscripts: 
a. vowels of root syllables; b. vowels of middle and final syl- 
lables; c. consonants; d. inflection. 3. Peculiarities of the 
single manuscripts. 3. Eelation of the manuscripts to each 
other. He has also considered the metrical form of the work. 
The text of MacLean is criticised in accordance with Tess- 
man's collation of the manuscripts. The fragment in Codex 
Harley 3271, British Museum, is printed,' and the text of the 
whole is given, with variant readings in footnotes. • 

Y. 

An investigation of the sources of the legendary homilies 
of the flrst volume of the Lives of the Saints has been made 



1 See Moii. Lang. Notes, 1887, 378-g. 



196 Appendixes. 

by J. H. Ott.' Of the twenty-three homilies in this volume, 
enumerated on page 9, there are therefore omitted from the 
study >sTos. I, XII, XIII, XVI, XVII, and XVIII. From the 
dissertation by Ott we take the following: 

^Ifric names as sources, Ambrose, in the life of St. Agnes; 
Terence, in the Superscription of the life of Gallicanus; Mar- 
cellus, in the life of Petronilla; Jerome, in the life of the 
four evangelists; Bede, in the life of ^theldred; Landferth, 
in the life of Swithun. 

No collection of Latin legends furnished ^Ifric with 
originals, but he has gathered from different books. 

His additions are of three sorts: (1) metrical, the most 
common; (2) explanatory; (3) homiletic. 

The results in respect to each of the seventeen homilies 
considered are given on pp. 8-60 of Dr. Ott's dissertation. 

VI. 
The authorship of the Old English homily on the book of 
Judith is considered by Assmann in Anglia, 10. 76 ff., where 
he gives in detail the reasons for claiming ^Ifric as its 
author. The subject is treated in the following order: 

I. Introduction. Dietrich concludes that this homily 
does not belong to ^Ifric, because in the work on the Old 
Testament he makes no claim for it, but says only of the book 
of Judith, 'seo ya eac on Englisc on tire wisan gesett.' These 
last three words both Dietrich and Assmann understand to 
refer to poetical expression, but the former understands 
iElfric to refer in all that he says to the well-known poem 
of Judith, first published by Thwaites. 

Assmann reaffirms what he has said in his study of 
<K!lfric's book of Esther, that the uncertain statement in the 
work on the Old Testament is not sufficient ground for re- 
jecting ^Ifric's authorship of the Judith 

II. Manuscripts. This work is found in two manu- 
scripts: 



I See Bibliography, 1892. 



Appendixes. 1 97 

1. The MS. ill Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, No. 
303. Wanley describes this and gives the beginning 
of the Judith as found there. A full description of 
this MS. is given by MacLean in Anglia 6, 446-447. 
The Judith has the last place in this defective MS., 
and lacks a conclusion. 

2. The MS. in Otho B, 10, in the Cotton MSS. in Lon- 
don. Wanley describes the Judith in this as follows: 
'Tradat autem Historiam Judithce et Holofernis, et 
de 8. Malchof and gives the first seven lines, and 
seven lines at the end. This MS. suffered greatly by 
the fire which, in 1731, injured the Cotton collection. 
Lines 62-123 and 384-445 of the Judith were deci- 
phered by Assman. From this MS. it appears that a 
history of the life of Malchus was appended to the 
work. 

The whole homily had perhaps five hundred and twenty 
lines, of which the first four hundred and forty-five are ex- 
tant, and also the last seven lines, preseirved by Wanley. 

III. Authorship. Both MSS. consist chiefly of writings 
of -^Ifric. More satisfactory proofs of his authorship are 

A. The Eelation of the Judith to its sources. The first 
ten lines are derived, not from the book of Judith, but from 
II Chronicles. This corresponds with ^Ifric's efforts else- 
where for the laity; he always tries to bring together such 
materials as will give his readers a correct view of his nar- 
rative in its different relations. 

To this translation the author adds an allegorical explana- 
tion in reference to the heroine from a Latin source, and 
magnifies chastity, ^^Ifric's favorite theme. 
The Judith shows yElfric's method: 

1. In reference to omissions. The author omits names 
of unimportant persons, genealogies, extended de- 
scriptions, exact note of time, passages of unnecessary 
length, repetitions, digressions from the main sub- 
ject. 



198 Appendixes. 

2. In reference to additions. He adds a second name 
if a person has two names; he adds references to 
faith in the true God, and emphasizes that faith in 
persons for whom he wishes to awaken sympathy; he 
also adds that which will make the meaning clearer. 

3. In reference to manner of translating. The Judith 
has the same clearness and simplicity which the writ- 
ings of ^Ifric show. It has his free, not slavish, 
translation of the Latin. This appears in changes of 
order in the matter translated; in the use of indirect 
discourse for the direct found in the original; in the 
poetical means, which consist only in the use of 
descriptive language. ^ifric's expletive words, 
sot5lice, hwaet, etc., are found in the Judith. There 
are also mistakes in translation similar to those found 
in his writings. 

B. If this work is by yElfric it must be written in poetical 
form, since he says the book of Judith is composed, on f^re 
wisan.' It is found that it can be aiTanged in rhythmical 
form with the greatest ease. In the manuscript there are 
numerous points, and though their use is not a certain crite- 
rion for the presence of rhythmical form, yet the points here 
correspond exactly with the divisions of the half-lines. Of 
the 890 half-lines, 857 can be read as four-stressed metre. 
The others are either too long or too short. This result cor- 
responds in general with that found in Esther, and in the 
second and the seventh of the Saints' Lives. 

C. Vocabulaiy. Only three words are found in the 
Judith which are not in ^Ifric. 

D. The Phraseology is iElfrician. This is seen in an 
arrangement of parallel passages from the Judith and the 
work. On the Old Testament. 

E. Date of Composition. It must have been written be- 
tween the Heptateuch (997) and De Veteri Testamento. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

1. 1568. Bale, John: Illustrium Majoris Britannim 
Scriptorum. . . . Ipswich. See article Alfric. 

2. 1566 or 1567. A Testimony of Antiquitie Shewing 
the Ancient Faith in the Church of England touching the 
sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord. London. This 
book contains Tloin. II. 262-282, and extracts from ^Ifric's 
letter for Wulfsige, with English translations of both; also an 
extract from the 2d Latin letter for Wulfstan. All the above- 
named contents treat of the Paschal Lamb. The Lord's Prayer 
and a short creed are printed here. A preface discusses the 
question of ^Ifric's identity, and of the value of these docu- 
ments in the history of the belief of the early English church. 
The 3d edition in 1623, (see no. 6). Reprint, 1688: No 
Antiquity for Transubstantiation. London. Reprint, 1849; 
2d edition of this reprint, 1875, (see no. 71). 

3. 1570. Fox, John: Ecclesiastical History. London. 
2d ed. This contains the homily on the Paschal Lamb, and 
extracts from Pastoral Letters, (see no. 2). 1838. Acts and 
Monuments, V. 273-289: the same as the above. 

4. 1605. Camden, William: Memaines of a Greater 
Worke, concerning Britaine, etc. London. 4th ed., pp. 76 

and 234. 

5. 1610. Frehek, M. : JDecalogi, Orationis, etc.: con- 
tains the Lorcfs Prayer. 

6. 1623. L'IsLE, William: A Saxon Treatise concern- 
ing the Old and New Testament, written about the time of ^ 
King Edgar by ^Ifricus Abbas. London. To this book wa^B» 
appended a reprint of A Testimonie of Antiquitie (see 
no. 2). 

7. 1624. Guild, M. William: Three Rare Monuments 
of Antiquitie, or Bertram, Priest, a French-man, of the 
Bodie, and Blood of Christ. . . . JElfricus, Archbishop 



^ 



200 JBihliography. 

of Canterburie, an Englishman, His Sermon of the Sacrament. 
. . . and Maurus Abbot, a Scots-man, His discourse of the 
same. . . . With translation, Aberdeen. 

8. 1638. Ul&i.^, W11.1A am: Divers Ancient 3 fonumetits in 
the Saxon Tongue. London. New edition of No. 6. 

9. 1643. Wheloc, Abraham: Historiae Ecclesiasticae 
Gentis Anglorum, Libri V. a venerabili Bed a. . . . Scripti. 
Cambridge. This book contains a large number of homilies and 
long extracts from homilies, with Latin translations. Pp. 
41-^0: Horn. L 2H-292; 6_1: H. 260; _62: L 16; 6J f.: H. 6; L 
18 f.; 462-479: H. 262-282; and other extracts from the Homi- 
lies; 332 f.: Pastoral Letter for Wulfsige; 495-498: Prayers 
and Confessions by ^Ifric. 

10. 1659. Sumner, William: Dietionarium Saxonico- 
Latino-Anglicum voces phrasesque praecipuas Anglo-Saxonicas 

Accesserunt ^Ifrici Abbatis Gramniatica Latino- 
saxonica, cum Glossario suo ejusdam generis. Oxford, 

11. 1670. Sheringham, Robert: De Atiglorum Gentis 
Origine Disceptatio . . . Cambridge. Pp. 310 ff. : Ex- 
tracts from ^Ifric's Homilies, with English translation. 

12. 1676. Sammes, Aylett: Britannia Aiitiqua Illus- 
trata. London, Pp. 448 ff. : the same extracts from ^Ifric's 
Homilies, as in no. 11. 

13. 1688, Cave, William: Scriptores Ecclesiastici. Lon- 
don, 1688; Basel, 1745. H. 108-112. (On p. 109 the view of 
Archbishop Usher is given), 

14. 1689. WnxvLTOs, 'R.TS.JUB.Y : Auctarium Historiae Dog- 
tnaticae Jacohi Userii , . . de scripturis et sacris verna- 
culis. London. Pp. 380-386: ^Ifric's Preface to Genesis, 
with Latin translation by Hickes. 

15. 1691. Wharton, Henry: Anglia Sacra. London. 
125-134: Dissertation De Elfrico Archiepiscopo Cantuar-, 

utrum is fuerit Elfricus Grammaticus. 

-16. 1698. Thwaites, Edward : ^gpto^ewcAws, X^Jer Jb5, 
etc. Oxford. 

17. 1709. Elstob, Elizabeth: English- Saxon Homily 



Bibliography. 201 

on the Birthday of St. Gregory, with Eupjlish translation. 
liOndon. 

18. 1715. Elstob, Elizabeth: The JEhiglish- Saxon 
Homilies of JElfric Archbishop of Canterhury. . . . Now 
first printed, and translated into tbe language of the present 
times. Oxford. Only thirty-six pages were printed. 

19. 1721. WiLKiNS, David: Leges Anglo- Saxonicae 
Ecclesiasticae et Civiles. London. Pp. 153-160: Pastoral 
Letter for Wulfsige; 161-172: Pastoral Letters for Wulfstan. 

20. 1737. WiLKiNS, D. : Concilia Britannia. London. 
I. 250-255: Pastoral Letter for Wtdfsige; Discussion of 
JElf ric's identity. 

21. 1759. Warner, F. : The History of England as it 
Relates to Religion and the Church. London. I. 220-223: 
Of ^Ifric Canons, and of his teaching on the eucharist. 

22. 1778. Steutt, Joseph: Chronicle of England. 11. 
280: a part of the first chapter of Genesis with interlined 
English translation. 

23. 1789. Mores, Edward Ro we: ^^//r^■co,^oro5er/^e?^s^ 
Archiepiscopo, Cotnmentarius. London. 

24. 1798. Oelrichs, Joh. : Angelsdchsische Chresto- 
raathie. Hamburg and Bremen. Pp. 19-21: Gen. IX. 1-17; 
22-24: Gen. XLV. 1-16; 24-26: Ex. XX. 1-17; 26-28; Dent. L 
6-21; 28-30: Lev. XIX. 3-37; 31-33: Num. XVL 1-35; 33-40: 
Dent. XXXIL 1-43; 40-42: Judges VIL 2-25. A German 
translation accompanies each extract. 

25. 1817. 'KK%'SL,^.Yi.: Angelsahsish Sproglaere. Stock- 
holm. Pp. 142-151: Selections from ^Ifric's On the Old and 
New Testament. 

26. 1820-4. GoRHAM, G. O. : Hi^ory and, Antimiitie^mL 
of Einesbury and St. Neot in Huntingdonshire. Cow^H^Pli^ 
Life of St. Neot. 

27. 1821. Strype, John: The Life and Acts of Arc J i- 
bishop Parker. Oxford. L 472-476; IL Bk. IV. Sect. II: 
Account of publication of ^Elfric's Easter sermon, and of the 
labors of Archb. Parker in preserving Old Eng. writings. 



202 Bibliography. 

28. 1830. Rask, E,: a Grammar of the Anglo-Saxon 
Tongue. Copenhat^en. Pp. 193-201: Selections from JElfric's 
0?i the Old and New Testament. 
• 29. 1830. SoAMEs, H.: An Inquiry into the Doctrines 
of the Anglo-Saxon Church. Bampton Lectures. Oxford. 
Pp. 126-134: Horn. I. 364-370; 384-388, 421-442: Of JElfric's 
teaching on the eucharist, with illustrative extracts. 

30. 1830. GuRNEY, Anna: Ancient History, English 
and French, exemplified in a Regidar Dissection of the Saxon 
Chronicle. . . . London. Wharton's Dissertation is 
here reprinted. Pp. 226-239: Colloquium (contains only the 
Old English). 

31. 1835. Leo, Heinbich: Angelsachsische Sprach- 
p)rohen. Halle. Pp. 20-32: Hom. IL 132-154; 1-11: Collo- 
quium; 11-15: Preface to Genesis; 

32. 1835. MiJLLER, LuD. Chr. : Collectanea Anglo- Sax- 
onica. Copenhagen. Pp. 1-4: De Ahgarus. 

33. 1838. Leo, Heinrich: Altsuchsische und Angel- 
sachsische Sprachproben. Halle. This book contains the 
same writings of ^Ifric's as no. 31: pp. 23-32; 6-15; 15-18. 

34. 1838. Philipps, Thomas: A Fragment of ^If rid' s 
Anglo-Saxon Grammar, ^Ifric^s Glossary, etc., discovered 
among the Archives of Worcester Cathedral. Loudon. 

35. 1839. Langley, L. : Introduction to Anglo-Saxon 
Heading. London. Contains iElfric's homily on the Birth- 
day of St. Gregory. 

36. 1840. Tnonv^,^^T^.TAUiis: Ancient Laws and Insti- 
tutes of England. II. S42-363: Fastoral letter for Widfsige, 
with translation; 364-389 and 390-393: Pastoral letters for 

Widfstan, with translations ' 

37r * l540, Petheram, J.: Historical Sketch of Anglo- 
Saxon Literature. London. Pp. 13-16: ^Ifric's life and 
worka; 

3^ 1841. Wright, Thomas, and Halliwell, J. Or- 
€HAfeD: Reliquiae Antiquae. London. I. 276-282: Hom. 
n. 332-348. 



Bihliography. 203 

39. 1841, Wright, Thomas: Popular Treatises on 
Science written during the Middle Ages. London. Pp. 1-19: 
De Temporibus. 
X^ 40. 1842. Weight, Thomas: Biographia Britannica 
Literaria. A.-S. Period. London. Pp. 480-495: Discussion 
of ^Ifric's identity and writings. 

41a. 1845, LiNGABD, John: History and Antiquities of 
the Anglo-Saxon Church. London. IL 311-320; 452-4'7V: 
The questions of ^Ifric's identity and of his teaching on the 
eucharist are discussed. 

41b. 1844-1846. Thorpe, Benjamin: The Homilies of 
the Anglo-Saxon Church. The first part, containing the 
Sermones Catholici or Homilies of JElfric, in the original 
Anglo-Saxon, with an English version. 2 vols. London: 
printed for the J51fric Society. IL 596-601: Prayers 
and Confessions by ^-Elfric. 

42. 1846. Vernon, E. J.: A Guide to the Anglo-Saxon 
Tongue. London. Pp. 109-116: Extracts from Genesis and 
Exodus. 

43. 1846. Thorpe, Benjamin; Analecta Anglo-Saxon- 
ica. London. 2d edition. Pp. 18-36: Colloquium; 36-44: 
Horn. IL 446-460; 44-52: Horn. IL 116- J 32; 52-63: Horn. IL 
132-154; 63-73: Hom. L 274-294; 73-80: Horn. IL 72-88; 
119-126: St. Edmun d, from Lives of Saints. The first ed ition 
(1834) contained Preface to Gefiesis. 

44. 1846. Unger, C. p.: Annaler for Nordish Old- 
kyndighed. . . . Copenhagen. Pp. 67-81: Fragment af 
en allitereret angelsaxisk Homili. . . , On False Gods, 
from Lives of Saints. 

45. 1847. Ebeling, F. W. : Angelsdchsisches Lesehuch. 
Leipzig. Pp. 46-57: Colloquium. 

46. 1848. Goodwin, C. W.: The Life of Saint Guthlac. 
London. 

47. 1848. Kembi,^, John M..: Bialogue of Salomo7i and 
Saturnus. London. Pp, 120-125: A large part of the 
homily On False Gods, from the Lives of the Saints, with 
English translation. 



\ 



204 Bibliography. 

48. 1849. Klipstein, Louis F. : Analecta Anglo-Sax- 
onica. I. 195-214: Colloquium; 245-247: Extracts from De 
Temjyorihus ; 318-323: Pastoral Letter for Wulfsige; II. 
74-80: Extracts from On the Old and New Testaments. 

49. 1849. Klipstein, Louis F.: Natale Sancti Gregorii 
Papce. Collateral Extracts from King Alfred's Version of 
Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the Anglo-Saxons, and from 
the Saxon Chronicle, with a full rendering into English. . . . 
New York. 

■ 50. 1849. NoKMAN, H. W. : The Anglo-Saxon Version 
of the ITexameron of St. Basil. London. Pp. 1-29: The 
Hexameron; 31-57: Admonitio ad Filium Splritualem, 
With translation, notes, and account of the presumed author. 
"""*^ 51. 1850. Johnson, John: A Collection of the Laws 
, and Canons of the Church of England. Oxford. Pp. 388- 
407: English translation of Pastoral Letter for Wutfsige, 
with notes. 

52. 1850. Ettmuller, Ludwig: Engla and Seaxna 
ScopasandBoceras. . . . (Also vol. XXVIII of the ^ii^io^Ae^ 
der Gesamten Deutschen National-Litteratur). Quedlinburg 
and Leipzig. Pp. 61-63: Homily on Alhanus; 63-69: Horn. 
II. 262-282; 70-76: Horn. I. 274-294; 76-77: Horn. L 
110-114; 77-83: Horn. II. 132-154; 84-92: Horn. IL 132»154; 
43 and 92: short extracts from thd homilies; 3-7: Job. 

53. 1851. Haed-wick, C. : Early English Poetry, Bal- 
lads, and Popular Literature of the Middle Ages. Pub. of 
Percy Society. London. Vol. 28. Pp. 2-29: Passion of 
St. George, from the Lives of the Saints. 

^* 54. 1853. MiGNE, J. p.: Patrologia Latina. Paris. 
Vol. 139. pp. 14*55-1460: Historical Notes on JElfric of Can- 
terbury who is considered to be ^Ifric the Grammarian (from 
Mabill. Acta SS. Bened. VIIL 55); 1459-1470: Wharton's 
Pissertation; 1469-1376: Canopies JElfrici ad Wulfinum, 
Episcopum (in Latin), through section 35. 

55. 1853. Stephens, G. : Tvende Old-Engelske Digte 
med Overssettelser og Tilhieg. Copenhagen. Pp. 15-21: 



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Abgarus {L. of S. Pt. III. 58-66), with English and Danish 
translations. 

56. C.1855. Mij-LT,^n,Tu-E,ODO'R:A7igelsdchsisohesLesebuch. 
'This book was not all printed, but was well known.' 
Pp. 1-9: Gen. I. 42-45; 14-32: Colloquium; 72-79: Horn. I. 
258-274; 79-88: Horn. 11. 498-518. 

57. 1855-1856. DiETKiCH, Edward F. : Zeitschrift far 
die Historische Theologie. Gotha. XXV. 487-594: ^Ifric's 
Writings; The Teachings of the Old English Church accord- 
ing to JElfric's Writings; XXVI. 163-256: ^Ifric's Educa- 
tion and Character; ^Ifric's Life. 

58. 1856. SoAMES, Henrt: The Anglo-Saxon Church. 
London. Pp. 184-205: JElfric's Life and Writings; 261-281: 
Translation of 2d Pastoral Letter for Wulfstan. 

59. 1858. BouTERWEK, C. W.: Soreadunga. Elberfeld. 
Pp. 17-23: Sigewulfi Interrogationes in Genesin; 23-31: 
De Temporibus. 

60. 1858. Stevenson, Joseph: Chronicon Monasterii de 
Abingdon. Rolls Series. London, Pp. 255-266: ^Ifric's 
-^i/'^ o/ ^thelwold. 

61. 1660. Hook, W. F.: Li7ies of the Archbishops of 
Canterbury. London. I. 434-449: Discussion of ^Ifric's 
identity, and quotations from his works. 

62. 1861. KiEGF.n, Max: Alt-tend Angelsdchsischen Lese- 
buch. Giessen. Pp. 189-197: Horn. II, 116-132. 

63. 1864-9. Cockayne, 0.: The Shrine. London. Pp. 
12-17: Life of St. Neot. 

64. 1866. Cockayne, O.: Leechdoms, Wortcunning and 
Starcraft of Early England. London. III. pp. XIV.-XXIX.: 
treats of JElfric's life; pp. 232-283: De Temporibus. 

65. 1868. Morris, R.: Old JEhiglish Homilies and Hom- 
iletic Treatises. First Series. 1150-1230 A. D. London. Ap- 
pendix 11. pp. 296-304: Be Octo Vitiis, from Lives of 
Saints. In this collection of a time later than ^Ifric are 
three of his sermons transliterated to the language of the day: 
pp. 87-100: Jlom. I. 310-328; 101-119: De OctoVitiis (the one 

14 



206 Bibliography. 

in Appendix II); 216-230: ^om. I, 8-28 (slightly abridged); 
also, 242-245: fragment of a text, Horn. I. 338. 

66. 1870. BiRLiNGER, Ant.: Bruchstilch aus JElfric's 
Angels'dchsischer Graminatik, in Pfeiffer's Germania, XV. 
359. 

67. 1870. CoESON, Hiram: Handbook of Anglo-Saxon 
and Early JEnglish. P. 57 f. : extract from preface to Cath. 
Horn. I.; 59-62: Horn. I. 238-244; 62-67: Horn. I. 180-192; 
68-76: Horn. II. 116-132. 

68. 1870. HvTCHii^s, John: The History a?id Antiquities 
of Dorset. Westminster. IV. 24-26: An account of JElfric, 
considered as Archbishop of Canterbury, and of his writings. 

69. 1871. Morris, KiCHAUi): Xegends of the Holy Hood; 
London. Pp. 98-107: The Finding the Cross from Lives of 
Saints, with English translation. 

70. 1872. Grein, Christian W. M.: Bibliothek der 
Angelsdchsischen Prosa. I. ^Ifrik de vetere et novo Testa- 
mento, Pentateuch, Josua, Buch der Richter and Hiob. Cas- 
sel and Gottingen. 

71. 1875. Thompson, E. : Select Monuments of the Doc- 
trine and Worship of the Catholic Church in England 
Before the Norman Conquest. London. This book contains 
a reprint of A Testimony of Antiquitie (See No. 2) ; pp. 94- 
102: Extracts from Horn. I. 364 f. 

72. 1876. Sweet, Henry: Anglo-Saxon Reader. Ox- 
ford. Pp. 56-74: On the Old Testament', 75-87: Horn. I. 
58-76; 87-94: Horn. I. 76-90; 95-102: Life of Osioald from 
Lives of the Saints'. The 7th edition (1894) omits the first 
selection. 

73. 1877. Ten Brink B.: Geschichte der Englischen 
Litteratur. Berlin. Pp. 133-140: Of ^Ifric's life and 
writings. English trausl. by H. M. Kennedy (1883), pp. 103- 
111. 

74. 1878. Carpenter, Stephen H.: An Introduction 
to the Study of the Anglo-Saxon Language. Boston. Pp. 
78-87: Horn. IL 116-132; 108-112: L 8-29; 112-120: IL 
58-77. 



Bibliography. 207 

75. 1879. Grein, C. W. M.: JElfric's Extract from the 
Book of Judges, metrically arranged, Anglia 2. 141-152. 
Halle. 

76. 1879. Brenner, O. : Angelscichsische Sprachproben. 
Munich. Pp. 7-15: Account of Samson from BooJc of 
Judges; 50-53: Extracts from Horn. II. 132-154. 

77. 1879. March, Francis A.: Anglo-Saxon Reader. 
New York. Pp. 13-32: Extracts from ^Ifric's Colloquium; 
35-38: Horn. II. 116-132. 

^ 78. 1880. ZupiTZA, Julius: ^Ifric's Grammatik und 
Glossar. Erste Abteilung: Text und Varianten. Berlin. 

79. 1880. Sammlung Englischer Denkmdler. Berlin. 
Contains JElfric's Grammar. 

80. 1880. KoRNER, Karl: Einleitung in das Stadium 
des Angelsdchsischen. Zweiter Teil. Heilbronn. Pp. 8-11: 
History of Joseph, from the Heptateuch; 12-17: Samson, 
from Book of Judges; 16-29: Life of St. Oswald. A Ger- 
man translation is given with each selection. 

81. 1881. Skeat, Walter W, : ^Ifric's Lives of Saints. 
Vol. I. Pt. I. London; 1885. Vol. I. Pt. II.; 1890. Vol. II. 
Pt. III. : Text and English translation. 

82. 1883. M.KcL^K^^Qi.'^.'. jElfric's Version of Alcuini 
Literrogationes Sigexoulfi in Genesin. Halle; also in Anglia 
6. 425-473; 7, 1-59. 

83. 1883. Napier, Arthur: Wulfstaji; Sammlung der 
Ihm Zugescriebenen Homilien. Berlin. Pp. 50-60: Forms 
I. and II. of homily on the Sevenfold Gifts of the Sjnrit. 

84. 1884. Wright, Thomas: Anglo-Saxon and old Eng- 
lish Vocabularies. 2d edition. Edited and collated by R. P. 
Wiilcker, London. I. 89-103: Colloquium; 306-336: Glos- 
sary. 

85. 1885. Grein, C, W. M.: Bibliothek der Atigdsdchi- 
schen Prosa, continued by R. P. Wiilker with others. III. 
edited by Bruno Assmann. Cassel. Pp. 1-12. Homily ^.d- 
dressed to Wulfgeat of Ylmandune; 13-23. Homily on Chastity 
addressed to Sigefyrth; 24-48: Homily on the Nativity of the 



208 Bibliography. 

Virgin Mary; 49-64: Homily for a Saiufs Day, translated 
at the request of Bishop ^thelwold II: 65-72: Homily on 
John XL 47-54; 73-80: Homily on John XVI. 16-22; 81-91: 
Fragment of the Preface to the Old Testament; 92-101: On 
Esther ; 102-116: Homily on Judith. 

86. 1885. AssMANN, B,: Abt ^lfric!s Angelsdchische 
Bearheitung des Buches Esther. Halle. In Anglia 9. 25-S8, 
the author adds further observations, and prints the text in 
metrical lines. 

87. 1885. Sweet, H. : Selected Homilies of ^Ifric. 
Oxford. Pp. 1-6: Latin and English prefaces of Horn. I.; 
6-17: I. 8-28; 17-24: I. 44-56; 24-33: I. 104-120; 34-41: I. 152- 
164; 41-50: I. 166-180; 50-55: I. 180-192; 55-64: 11.116-132; 
64-74: II. 132-154. 

88. 1885. WuLKER, Richard: Grundriss zur Geschichte 
der Angels'dchsischen Litter atur. Leipzig. Pp. 452-481: A 
summary of information concerning ^If ric and his works. 

89. 1886. WoHLFAHRT T. : Die Syntax des Verhums in 
^Ifric's TIeber des Heptateuch und des Bitches Hiob. Munich. 

90. 1887. ScHRADEB, B. : Studien zur ^Ifrischen Syn- 
tax. Jena. 

91. 1887. 'Ebeut, A.: Allgemeine Geschichte der Littera- 
tur des Mittelalters in Abendlande. Leipzig. III. 509-516: 
Of the life and works of ^Ifric. 

92. 1887. Bbeck, E.: A Fragment of ^Ifric's Transla- 
ion of ^thelwold' s De Consuetudine Monachorum and its 
Relation to other MSS. Leipzig. 

|.' 93. 1888. ZiMMERMANN, D. : Die Beiden Fassungen des 
dem Abt yElfric zugeschriebenen Angelsdchsischen Traktats 
iiber die Siebenfdltigen Gaben des Heiligen Geistes. Leipzig. 

94. 1888. MoRLET, Henry : English Writers. London. 
II. 310-314; ^Ifric's life and writings. 

95. 1888. AssMANN, B. : Abt Ailfric^s Angelsdchsische 
Homilie iiber das Buch Judith. Anglia 10. 76-104. Halle. 

96. 1888. Reum, A.: De Temporibus Ein Echtes WerJc 
des Abtes JElfric. Anglia. 10. 457-498. Halle. 



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97. 1888. Mitchell, Frances H.: ^Ifric's Sigewulfi 
Interrogationes in Genesin. Critical revision of the text of 
MacLean. Zurich. 

98. 1889. KuHN, P. T. : Die Syntax des Verhums in 
yElfric's Heiligenlehen. Leipzig-Reudnitz. 

99. 1889. Fischer, Frank: The Stressed Vowels of 
Homilies I. Pub. of Mod. Lang. Assoc, in America. Vol. 
IV. No. 2. 

100. 1890. Braunschwbigbr, M. : Flexion des Verbums 
171 JElfric^s Grammtik, Marburg. 

101. 1891. Tessmann, A.: JElfric' s Altenglische Bear- 
beitung der Inter Sig. Pres. in Gen. des Alcuin. Berlin. 

102. 1891. Wyatt, a. J. and Johnson, H. H.: A 
Glossary ofy^lfric's Homilies. London. 

103. 1892. FoRSTER, Max: Uber die Quellen von u^l- 
fric's Homiliae Cathollcae; I., Legenden. Berlin. 1894. II. 
Exegetical Homilies, Anglia 16. 1-61. Halle. 

101. 1892. Bruhl, C: Die Flexion des Verbums in 
JSlfric's Heptateuch und des Buches Hiob. Marburg. 

105. 1892. Ott, J. H.: Ueber die Quellen der Heili- 
genleben in ^Ifric's Lives of Saints. I. Halle. 

106. 1893. MacLean, G. E.: Old and Middle English 
Reader. New York. Pp. 39-45: Extracts from ^Ifric's 
Genesis and Judges. 

107. 1893. Smith, C. A.: The Order of Words in Anglo- 
Saxon Prose; Pub. of Mod. Lang. Assoc, of Amer., 8. 210- 
244. The subject is illustrated from JElfric's writings. 

108. 1893. Scnw:EitDTi?BG:E^, G.: Las SchwacheVerbum 
in ^^Ifric's Homilies. Marburg. 

109. 1895. CooK, Albert S.: A First Book in Old 
Miglish. Boston. Pp. 125-128: Extract h-om MUric's Genesis; 
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110. GoRRELL, J. H. : Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon; 
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111. 1897. TuppER, J. W.: Tropes and Figures i», 
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112. 1897. ZuPiTZA, J.: Alt-und Mittelenglisches 
Uebungshuch. Revised by A. Schipper. Vienna and Leipzig. 

Pp. 66-71: Selections from JElfric's Genesis and Judges. 

113. 1898. Cook, Albert S. : Biblical Quotations in Old 
English Prose Writers. London and New York. Pp. 
LXIV.-LXXVL: ^Ifric's life and identity; MSS. and editions 
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114. Catholic Homilies, a. A. Napier. A Fragment 
of yElfric's Delnit. Creat., Mod. Lang. K, 1893, 398-400, b. 
E. Menthel: Zur Gesch. des Otfrid. Verses in Etngl., Anglia. 
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115. Colloquium, a. J. Zupitza: Die Ursprilngliche 
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der: Colloquium ^Ifric, Zs.f. D. A.,^ 41. 283-290. 

116. The Lives of the Saints, a. A.Napier: A Frag- 
ment of the Life of St. Basil, Mod. Lang. iV, 1887, 378-9. b. 
J. Zupitza: Bemerkungen zu yElfric^s L. of S. L., edited by 
SJceat, Zs.f. D. A.' 17. 269-96. c. B. Wells: List of Strong 

Verbs in L. of S. L, IL, Mod. Lang. JST. 1888, 1. 18-185, 256- 
262. d. A. S. Cook: A List, of the Strong Verbs in L. of S. 
IL, 3£od. Lang. JST. 1897, 117-8. e. E. Holthaus: ^Ifric's 
L. of S. I. (an examination of their metrical form), Anglia 6, 
Anz.104-117; cf. E. Einenkel: Schipper, Fnglische Metrick,Ang- 
lia 5. Anz. 31 f.; M. Trautmann: Otfrid in England, Anglia 

7. Anz. 211-5; E. Menthel: Zur Geschichte des Otfridischen 

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Classified Bibliography. 211 

(les JBuches Hioh (comparison of Grein's text with the MS.), 
Anglia 9, 39-42; b. M. Forster. Comparison of the Job in 
Grein's text with Horn. II. 446 if., Anglia 15. 473-Y. 

118. Judith, a. B. Wells: Strong Verbs in J., Mod. 
Lang. N"., 1888, 13-15. b. A. S. Cook: Comparison of the 
O.E. poem Judith with ^Ifric's homily on the same subject, 
Judith, pp. LXXI.-LXXIII. 



CLASSIFIED BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

I. Biographical and Critical: 

Nos. 1, 2, 4, 6, 8, 13, 15, 20, 23, 30, 37, 40, 41 a, 50, 
54, 57, 58, 61, 64, 68, 71, 73, 88, 113. 

II. Grammatical: 

Nos. 89, 90, 98, 99, 100, 104, 107, 108, 110, 111, 114 b, 
c, 116c, d, e, 118 a. 

III. JElfric's Writings: 

1. Catholic Uoinilies: 

Complete edition: No. 41 b; 

Separate homilies: Nos. 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 17, 

18, 29, 31, 33, 35, 38, 43, 49, 52, 56, 62, 65, 67, 

71, 72, 74, 76, 77, 87; 
Miscellaneous: 27, 41 a, 57, 88, 99, 102, 103, 107, 

108, 110, 111, 113, 114. 

2. De Temporibus: 

Editions: Nos. 39, 59, 64; 
Criticism: No. 96. 

3. Grammar : 

Editions: No. 10, 34, 66, 78, 79. 

4. Glossary : 

Editions: Nos. 10, 34, 78, 84. 



212 Classified Bibliography. 

5. Colloquiimi: 

Editions of the whole or of a part: Nos. 30, 31, 33, 

43, 45, 48, 56, 77, 84, 109; 
Critical: No. 115. 

6 Lives of the Saints: 

Complete edition: No. 81 (see p. 131 n, 2); 
Separate homilies: Nos. 32, 43, 44, 47, 52, 53, 55, 

59, 65, 69, 72, 80, 82, 116 a; 
Critical: 82, 97, 98, 101, 105, 116 b, c, d, e. 

7. Homilies which do not belong to any volume: 

Editions: Nos. 26, 50, 63, 83, 85. 

8. Translations of the Bible : 

Editions: Nos. 14, 16, 22, 24, 31, 33, 42, 52, 56, 

70, 75, 76, 80, 85, 86, 95, 106, 109, 112; 
Critical: 89, 104, 113, 117, 118. 

9. On the Old and New Testaments: 

Editions of the whole or of a part: Nos. 6, 8, 25, 28, 
48, 70, 72. 

1 0. Canons or Pastoral Letters : 

Editions of the whole or of a part: a. Letter for 
Wulfsige: Nos. 2, 3, 6, 8, 9, 19, 20, 36, 48, 51, 
54, 71; b. Letters for Wulfstan: Nos. 2, 3, 6, 8, 
19, 36, 58, 71. 

11. Life of ySthelwold: 

Edition: No. 60. 



INDEX. 



Abbey, of Glastonbury, 20-2; of 
Abing'don, 24-7; of Winchester, 
27-8, 36-43; of Ely, Peterbor- 
ough, and Thorney. 30, 33; of 
Ramsey, 32-3; of Cernel, 47-9; 
of Eynsham, 60-3. 

Abbo, see Fleury. 

Abdias Legends, a source of ^1- 
fric's Homilies, 104. 

Ahdon and Sennes, homily on, 128. 

Abgarus, see Bibliography, no. 55. 

Abingdon Abbey, destroyed by 
Danes, founded anew, 24; 
^thelwold abbot of, 25-7; 
monks of, 28; school of, 33. 

-^Ifhere, of Mercia, seeks to over- 
throw the monks, 43-4. 

^Ifric, his life, 35-70; education, 
71-6; characteristics as a writer, 
56. 64, 71-2, 76-9, 83, 84, 134, 
144, 148-9, 157, 188, 189-90, 
194-5, 197-8; as a teacher, 74-81, 
84-6; his patriotism, 58, 78-9, 
90, 151; his humility, 81. 

iElfric, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, .^Ifric identified with, 
89-93, 99. 

MUric Bata, quoted, 98; Collo- 
quium revised by, 122-124; what 
is known of, 122; -^Ifric's writ- 
ings ascribed to, 143-4, 184; 
perhaps author of appendix of 
the Be Temponhus, 191. 

..Elfric Puttoc, Archbishop of 
York, ^Ifric identified with, 
93-95, 99-100. 
.^Ifric, Bishop of Creditou, ^Ifric 

identified with. 88, 98-9. 
^tJieldred, St., homily on, 127. 



^thelmser, endows Cernel Abbey, 
47-50; founds Eynsham Abbey, 
53, 60-62, 182; ^Ifric writes for. 
53, 57; death, 69. 
-^thelnoth, perhaps pupil of 
iElfric, 56; Archbishop of Can- 
terbury, 56, 69. 

jEthelstan, King mentioned by 
^Ifric, 79, 147; Dunstan and 
^thelwold at court of, 20, 24. 

^thelweard. friend of ^Ifric, 
his identity, 47-8, 57; ^Ifric 
writes for, 51-3, 57, 102, 126, 
147-8; counsels payment of 
Danegelt, 54: sent by King 
^thelred to King Olave, 55; 
death, 57. 

^thelwin, of East Anglia, patron 
of Oswald, 32; heads a monas- 
tic party, 43-4, 86; death, 54. 

^thelwold I., 14, 19; his early 
life, 21; life at Glastonbury, 
21-4, 157; Abbot of Abingdon, 
25-7; Bishop of Winchester, 27- 
31, 33, 34, 36-7, 43-5; as a teach- 
er, 39-40, 56; his connection 
with the Benedictine Rule, 27, 
39, 159-64; biographies of, 65, 
90, 156-9. 

^ethlwold II., ^Ifric writes 
homily for, 67, 93, 106, 109. 

Alban, St., homily on, 127. 

Alcuin, his treatise on Genesis, 
131-2; a source of .Ji]lfric's 
Eomilies, 104, 187. 

Aldhelm, .^Ifric compared with, 
80, 87. 

Alfred, his educational work, 17- 
18, 50, 52; translations, 18; men- 
tioned by ^Ifric, 50, 79, 147. 



214 



Index. 



Alphege I., Bishop of Winchester, 
kinsman and friend of Dunstan, 
20, 21, 23; teacher of ^thel- 
wold, 21. 

Alphege II., Bishop of Winches- 
chester, 45; sends ^Ifric to 
Cernel, 46, 92; death, 68. 

Amalarius, quoted by .^Ifric, 64, 
104, 164, 187. 

Ambrose, source of Life of St. Ag- 
nes, 196. 

Apollinaris, St., homily on, 128. 

Ash Wednesday, homily for, 127, 
129. 

Assmann, B. , quoted, 149; on 
^Ifric's JuditJi, 196 8. 

Astronomy, jElfric's interest in, 
and acquaintance with, 73, 124-5, 
190-1, 194-5. * 

Auguries, homily on, 128, 129. 

Augustine, a source of .^Ifric's 
Homilies, 104. 186-7. 

Bale, J., identified jElfric with the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, 89. 

Bade, mentioned, 16, 71, 73, 75, 
98, 111; source of ^Ifric's 
writings, 18, 74, 116-7, 124, 186, 
189, 196. 

Benedictine Rule, sought by 
^thelwold, 27; introduced into 
monasteries, 28 30, 159; taught 
by Abbo, 33, translated by 
^thelwold, 39, 159 161; preface 
of, 161; abridged by ^Ifric, 159- 
164; see Concordia Regularis. 

Benedictional of ^thelwold, 40. 

Bertram, see Ratramnus. 

Breck, E., quoted, 163 4. 

Brihtnoth, of Essex, takes arms 
in behalf of the monks, 44; 
father-in-law of JSthelweard 
49; lands owned and bequeathed 
by, 61; slain at Maldon, 54. 

Canons, for Wulfsige, writing and 



date of, 57-8; description of, 
135-9; for Wulfstan, writing and 
date of, 68, description of, 139- 
145. 

Cappadocian Soldiers, homily on, 
127. 

Cassian, a source of ^Ifric's 
Homilies, 104, 187. 

Cave, W., uncertain of ^Ifric's 
identity, 95. 

Cecilia, St., homily on, 128. 

Celtic Church, monastic, 16; its 
tradition, 27. 

Cernel, traditions of, 47; abbey 
founded, 47-9; ^Ifric at, 50-59. 

Chastity, Holy, homily on, 110-1. 

Clergy, secular, celibacy of, 18; 
illegal marriages of, 19, 28; ex- 
pelled from Winchester, Chert- 
sey and Milton, 28; from Ely, 
30 n. ; treatment of, by Oswald 
and Dunstan, 31, n.; party in 
favor of marriage of, 43-4, 51, 67; 
^Ifric views of marriage of, 44- 
5, 86, 109, 110 1, 135-6, 139, 140; 
witness Oswald's charters, 63. 

Cockayne, O., quoted, 24, 49, 64n. ; 
writes of ^ifric's life, 4. 

Colloquium, life in the monastery 
according to, 41-2; date of, 58; 
described, 121-4. 

Concordia Regularis, 161-2, 164. 

Confessor, Homily for Birthday of, 
109-10. 

Conybeare, E., quoted, 30. 

Crisantus and Daria, homily on, 
128. 

Cross, Holy, homily on, 128. 

CutJibert St., homily on, 103. 

Danes, invasions of, 14, 17, 19, 
45, 54-55, 65-66, 69; influence 
of their idolatry feared, 85. 

*De Consuetudine, see Benedictine 
Rule; Concordia Regularis. 



Index. 



215 



Denis, St. , homily on, 128. 

Be Temporibus, ^Ifric writes, 54, 
n; description of, 124-5; Reum's 
dissertation on, 188-92. 

Deuteronomy, ^Ifric's, see Hepta- 
teuch. 

Dietrich, E,, investigation of, 3-5; 
quoted, 48, 51, 60, 63, 69. 

Donatus, grammar of, 119n. 

Dunstan, 14, 19; life and charac- 
ter, 20-21 of; adviser of Eadred, 
25; primate, 29; treatment of 
secular clergy, 31, n. ; present at 
counsel, 32; influence over 
Edgar, 29, 34; his work in the 
monastic revival, 25-26, 30. 

Eadgifu, widow of King Edward, 
patronizes ^thelwold, 23-4, 26. 

Eadred, his reign, 14; patron of 
iEthelwold, 24-26; death, 26; 
his tomb, 38; his love for the 
Old Minster, 157. 

Eadwig, 23, 24 n. ; endows Abing 
don, 26. 

Ealdorman, position of, 48, n. 

Edgar, character of his reign, 14, 
35, 38; patron of ^thelwold, 26- 
30; builds new monasteries, 33 
his character, 14, 29, 162-3 
events after his death, 33, 43 
mentioned by ^Ifric. 38, 79. 

Edmund, his reign, 14; his rela- 
tions with Dunstan, 20; his 
tomb, 38-9. 

Edmund, St., homily on, 128. 

Education in England, 7th to 10th 
centuries, 17-9; revived, 20-1, 
82-3, 39-40. 83-4, 86. 

Ely Abbey, founded, 16; destroyed, 
17; refounded, 30,32,33; influence 
of restoration of, 30. 

Esther, ^Ifric's, its authenticity, 
Assmann's dissertation on, 149. 

Euphrasia, St., homily on, 128. 



Eusebuis, his Ecclesiastical History 
known by iElfric, 75, 188. 

Eustace, St., homily on, 128. 

Eynsham Abbey, founded, 60-3; 
^Ifric at, 62-70; extracts from 
its charter, 62, 182. 

Exeier Codex, 51 n. 

Exodus, ^Ifric's, see Heptateuch. 

False Oods, sermon on, 85, 114n., 
128. 

Fleury, Odo monk of. 23; Osgar 
sent to, 27; Oswald sent to, 31; 
school of, 31; Abbo of, 33, 37n., 
50. 

Forster, M. , quoted, 104; on the 
Sources of the Homilies, 185-8. 

Oenesis, ^Ifric's, see Heptateuch. 

Oeorge, St., homily on, 127. 

Germanus, summoned by Oswald 
from Fleury, 32, 159. 

Glastonbury, Abbey founded, 16; 
birthplace of Dunstan, 20; abbey 
under Dunstan, 20 29; land 
granted to abbey, 24; rule ob- 
served at, 27; pupils of, 33. 

Glossary, date of, 58; description 
of, 120-1. 

Godemann, made Benedictional, 40. 

Grammar, yvviiing and date of, 55- 
6; described, 119-20; manu- 
scripts of, 121. 

Gregory, his Pastoral Care trans 
lated by Alfred, 18; and required 
by pi-iests, 137; his teaching, 18; 
a source of ^Ifric's Homilies, 
84, 104, 185-6. 

Gregory of Tours, a source of 
^Ifric's Homilies, 104. 

Outhlac, St., Life of, 134-5. 

Haymo, a source of ^Ifric's Hom- 
ilies, 104, 187. 

Heptateuch, description of, 146-9; 
date of, 57. 



216 



Index. 



Hexamercm, its authorship, de- 
scription, sources, 116-7. 

Hilarius, a source of ^Ifric's 
Homilies, 187. 

Homilies, Catholie, writing and 
date of, 50 2. 54-5, 92; descrip- 
tion of, 101-8; Orammar asso 
ciated with, 119-20; sources of 
exegetical, 185 8. 

Interrogationes Sigewulfi, in Lives 
of the Saints, 128; account of, 
131-4 ; MacLean's dissertation 
on, 193 5; Tessmann's disserta- 
tion on, 195. 

Isidore, source of jElfric's 
writings, 58, 120, 155. 

Jerome, 72, 74, source of iEIfric's 
writings, 104. 187, 196. 

Job, .^Ifric's homily on, 150. 

John XI. 47-54; homily on, 112 3. 

John XVI. 16-22, homily on, 113-4. 

Joshua, .^Ifric's, see Heptateuch. 

Judges, ^Ifric's, see Heptateuch. 

Judith, Mliv'ic's, its authenticity 
and character, 150-1 ; Assmann's 
dissertation on, 196-8. 

Kenulph, ^Ifric dedicates his lAfe 
of yEthelwold to, 65, 67, 90, 96, 
99, 156. 

Kings, hook of, homily on, 127. 

Landferth, wrote life of Swithun, 
37, 158. 

Language of ^Ifric, in the Gram- 
mar, 56; etymologies, 723; 
words used to render foreign 
customs intelligible to the Eng- 
lish, 76-8; metrical, 80, 103 n., 
110, 113, 118, 123, 126, 132, 139. 
142, 149, 151, 193. 195, 196. 198; 
as a translator. 84 104, 134, 188, 
189, 195, 198; terms used in 
speaking of himself, 95-7; his 
Latin, 71 2. 



Law, Old and New, contrasted by 
^Ifric, 36, 77, 140. 148. 

Leland, quoted, 92. 

Leviticus, ^Ifric's, see Heptateuch. 

Lingard, J., quoted, 89; uncertain 
of ^Ifric's identity, 95. 

L'Isle, W., editor of ^Ifric writ- 
ings, quoted, 95. 

Maccabees, homily on, 128. 

MacLean, G. E., quoted, 107-8, 
120 n., 129, 131-3; dissertation 
of, 192-5. 

Malmesbury, William of, quoted, 
47, 49, 88, 90, 92-3, 157. 

Marcellus, source of Life ofPetro- 
nilla, 196. 

Mark, St. , homily on, 127. 

Martin, St., homily on, 128, 144. 

Mary, St., of Egypt, homily on, 
129. 

Maurice, St., and the Theban 
Legion, homily on, 128. 

Memoo'y of the Saints, homily on, 
127. 

Monasticism, early importance of 
in England, 16 7; decline of, 
17, 22; revival of, 20, 23, 32; 
beneficent influence of, 25, 30; 
Bendictine, 17. 39-43, 66; oppo- 
sition to, 43-5; continental, 22-3; 
see Benedictine Bule. 

Mores, E. R., wrote treatise on 
^Ifric's identity, 89; outline 
of his treatise, 183-5. 

Napier, A., quoted, 114. 

Neot, St., Life of, 134. 

Norman, H. W., quoted, 116. 

Numbers, ^Ifric's, s&q Heptateuch. 

Odo, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
took monastic vow, 23; sent 
Oswald to Fleury, death of, 31. 

Osgar, follows ^thelwold to Ab- 
ingdon, 25; sent to Fleury, 27, 
159; Abbot of Abingdon, 27. 



Index. 



217 



Oswald, 14; his life, 31-3; founds 

Ramsey abbey, 33 4; Bishop of 

Worcester, 31; Archbishop of 

York. 33; his influence. 34; his 

death, 92. 
Oswald, St., homily on, 128. 
Parish system, 16. 
Parker. Matthew, publishes Easter 

Sermon, 88; quoted, 90. 
Pastoral Letters, see Canons. 
Penitence, homily on, 116. 
Pershore Abbey, founded by 

^thelweard, 49; ^Elfric's Oram- 

mar found there, 57. 
Peterborough Abbey, founded, 16; 

destroyed, 17; refounded, 30, 33. 
Prayer of Moses, homily on, 127, 

129. 
Priscian, grammar of, 119 n. 
Ramsey Abbey, founded, 32-3. 
Ratramnus (Bertram), source of 

^Ifric's Easter Sermon, 188; cf. 

Bibliography, No. 7. 
Reum, A., on the De Temporibus, 

196-8. 
Robertson, E. W., quoted, 31, 33, 

44, 48. 
Rufinus, a source of ^Ifric's 

Homilies, 104, 188. 
Saints, Lives of, writing and date 

of, 57; description of, 126-131; 

sources of. 195 6. 
Schroder, E., on the Colloquium, 

124. 
Sevenfold Oifts of the Spirit, hom- 
ily on, 114-5. 
Sewn Sleepers, homily on. 128, 144. 
Sigeferth, ^Ifric writes homily 

On Chastity for, 67, 110-1; teach- 
ing of priest of, 67. 
Sigeric, ^Elfric dedicates Catholic 

Homiliesto, 52, 55, 88,98,101.103; 

counsels payment of Danegelt, 



54; mentioned in manuscript, 
125. 

Sigwerd of Easthealon. ^Ifric 
writes for and visits, 66. 

Smaragdus a source of ^Ifric's 
Homilies. 104, 187. 

Soames, H., 141; quoted, 142. 

Spelman, Henry, identifies u3i^lfric 
with the Archbishop of York, 
95. 

Spiritual So7i, Advice to, account 
of 117-8. 

Swithun. his life by Landferth, 37, 
158; his tomb and miracles 37- 
9; scriptorium founded by, 40; 
homily on by ..^Ifric, 37, 128-9. 

Tenth century, its character, 15, 
51. 83; the year 1000 the ex- 
pected end of the world, 55,60, n. 

Tessmann, A., on the Interroga- 
tiones, 195. 

I'estaments, On the Old and New, 
writing and date of, 66; de- 
scription of, 152-4; sources of, 
154-5; usefulness of, 84. 

Thomas, St., homily on, 128. 

Thorpe, B., defends Wharton's 
view, 94; editor of .^Ifric's 
works, 94, 107, 139, 145. 

Tropary of Ethelred, 40. 

T^cehe Abuses, homily on, 128, 130. 

Virgin. Homily for Birthday of, 
106, 108-9. 

Virgin invocation of, 85. 

Vitae Pati'iim, referred to or 
quoted by iBlfric, 104, 130-1, 
188. 

Wharton, J., 88; his treatise on 
.^Ifric's identity, 93; quoted, 33. 

Winchester a school established 
at, 18; Old Monastery of, 27-8; 
importance of bishop of, 29; 
school of, 33, 39-43; ^Ifric 
teacher at, 46; new churches at, 



218 



Index. 



33, 37, 38, 158; New Monastery 
of, 28; nunnery at, 28. 

Worcester Cathedral, its secular 
clergy left undisturbed, 81. 

Worcester, Florence of, quoted, 
43, 54, 65, 69, 93. 

Wright, T., held ^Ifric to be 
Archbishop of Canterbury, 89; 
quoted, 120; editor, 122. 

Wulfgeat of Ylmandune, borrows 
^Ifric's writings, 64-5; MUric 
sends a homily to, 65, 111; de- 
graded by the king, 64 n., 65. 



Wulfslge, .^Ifric writes Pastoral 
Letter for, 57 8, 68, 97, 135. 

Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, 
connection with ^Ifric, his 
character, 68-9; see Canons. 

Wulfstan, monk of Winchester, 
wrote life of ^thelwold, 35, 
157-9. 

Ylmandune, see Wulfgeat. 

Zimmermann, D., quoted, 115. 

Zupitza, J , quoted, 123 4, 164. 



ERRATA. 



P. 29, 1. 20, add inverted comma at end of quotation. 

P. 37, n., 1. 5, insert * to come' before 'to.' 

P. 39, n., for *ch. XIII,' read <pp. 160-1.' 

P. Y3, 1, 11, for 'gewuldorbeagod' read 'gewuldorbeagod.' 

P. 77, 1. 13, for 'heahgerefa' read 'heahgerefa.' 

P. 81, 1. 19, for 'santuary' read 'sanctuary.' 

P. 85, 1. 31, omit comma after 'it;' add inverted comma at 

end of quotation, 
P. 110, 1. 21, read 'God's own friend.' 
P. 128, 1. 24, for 'Cecelia' read 'Cecilia.' 
P. 130, 1. 5, omit 'De.' 

P. 134, 1. 30, p. 135, 1. 6, for 'Guthlae' read 'Guthlac' 
P. 149, 1. 15, p. 150, 11. 6 and 22, f or 'Thwaites' read 'Thwaites'.' 
P. 153, 1. 2, for 'Tri-une' read 'Triune.' 
P. 155, for 'Proemia' read 'Prooemia.' 
P. 171, 11. 14, 30, p. 178, 1. 5, p. 180, 1. 5, for 'y' ('i') in cases 

of lytel read 'f ('!'). 
P. 172, 1. 13, for 'I' read 'Ic;' for 'ghewsede' read 'gehwsede.' 
P. 174, 1. 20, for 'J)enas' read 'fenas.' 
P. 175, 1. 21, for 'aljende' read 'alsende.' 

P. 198, 1. 18, add inverted comma at beginning of quotation. 
P. 201, 1. 15, for '^Ifric,' read 'iElfric's.' 
P. 202, 1. 17, omit 'De.' 
P. 210, 1. 20, for '^Ifric,' read '^Ifrici.' 



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